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ESSAYS ON MANKIND
AND POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
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■ ESSAYS
ON
Mankind and Political
Arithmetic.
BY
SIR WILLIAM PETTY.
CASSELL & COMPANY, Limited
LONDON, PARIS, NEW YORK & MELBOURNE.
0
^
<
■6
INTEODUCTION.
William Petty, born on the 26th of May, 1623,
was the son of a clothier at Romsey in Hampshii-e.
After education at the Romsey Grammar School,
he continued his studies at Caen in Normandy.
There he supported himself by a little trade while
learning French, and advancing his knowledge of
Greek, Latin, Mathematics, and much else that
belonged to his idea of a liberal education. His
idea was large. He came back to England, and
had for a short time a place in the Navy ; but at
the age of twenty he went abroad again, and was
away three years, studying actively at Utrechf,
Ley den, and Amsterdam, and also in Paris. In
Paris he assisted Thomas Hobbes in drawing dia-
grams for his treatise on optics. At the age of
twenty-four Petty took out a patent for the inven-
tion of a copying machine. It was described in a
folio pamphlet " On Double Writing." That was
in 1647, in Civil War time, and although Petty
followed Hobbes in his studies, he did not shai-e
6 INTBODirCTION.
tbe philosopher's political opinions, but held with
the Parliament. In 1648 he added to his former
pamphlet a "Declai^tion concerning the newly
invented Aiii of Double Writing."
Samuel Hartlib, the large-hearted Pole, who in
those days spent his worldly means in England for
the advancement of agriculture and of educatio:
and other aids to the well-being of a nation, h
caused Milton to write his letter on education,
has been shown in the Introduction to the hundred
and twenty-first volume of this Library, which con-
tains that Letter together with Milton's Areopa-
gitica. Young Petty 's first published writing was
a Letter to Hartlib on Education, entitled "The
Advice of W. P. to Mr. Samuel Hai-tlib for the
Advancement of some Particular Parts of Learning."
This appeared in 1648, when Petty's age was
twenty-five, and its aim was to suggest a wider
view of the whole field of education than had been
possible in the Middle Ages, of which schools and
colleges were then preserving the traditions, as
they do still here and there to some extent.
This pamphlet has been reprinted in the sixth
volume of the " Harleian Miscellany." William
Petty wished the training of the young to be in
several respects more practical.
as 1
•ed I
INTRODUCTION. 7
His own activity of mind caused liira to settle
at Oxford, where he taught anatomy and chemistry,
which he had been studying abroad. He had read
with Hobbes the writings of Vesalius, the great
founder of modern practical anatomy. In 1649
William Petty graduated at Oxford as Doctor of
Medicine, obtained a fellowship at Brasenose, and
practised. ^ In 1650 he surprised the public by re-
storing the action of the lungs in a woman who
had been hanged for infanticide, and so restoring
her to life.
Dr. Petty now took his place at Oxford among
the energetic men of science who had been inspired
by the teaching of Francis Bacon to seek know-
ledge by direct experiment, and to value knowledge
above all things for its power of advancing the
welfare of man. The headquarters of these workers
were at Oxford, and in London at Gresham
College.
In 1650 Petty was made Professor of Anatomy
at Oxford, and it is a characteristic illustration of
his great activity of mind that he was at the same
time Professor of Music at Gresham College.
Music had then a high place in the Seven Sciences,
as that use of regulated numbers which expressed
the harmonies of the created world. The Seveu
8 INTRODUCTION.
Sciences were divided into three of the Triviuni,
and four of the Quadrivium. The three of the
Trivium concerned the use of speech ; they were
Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic. The four of the
Quadrivium concerned number and measure ; they
were Arithmetic, Geometry, Music; and Astronomy,
which led up straight to God. Advance to Music
might be represented in the student's mind by his
reaching to a sense of the harmonious relation of
all his studies, which, so to speak, lived in his
mind as a single well-proportioned thought.
In 1652 Dr. Petty was sent to Ireland as
physician to the army of the Commonwealth.
While there his active mind observed that the
Survey on which the Government had based its
distribution of fortified lands to the soldiers had
been "most inefficiently and absurdly managed."
He obtained the commission to make a fresh
Survey, which he completed accurately in thirteen
months, and by which he obtained in payments
from the Government and from other persons in-
terested ten thousand pounds. By investing this
in the purchase of soldiers' claims, he secured for
himself an Irish estate of fifty thousand acres in
the county of Kerry, opened upon it mines and
quarries, developed trade in timber, and set up a
INTRODXJCTIOK'. 9
fishery. John Evelyn said of him "that he had
never known such another genius, and that if
Evelyn were a prince he would make Petty his
second councillor at least." Henry Cromwell as
Lord Deputy in Ireland made Petty his secre-
tary.
Patty's Maps were printed in 1685, two years
before his death, as " Hibemise Delineatio quoad
hactenus licuit perfectissima ; " a collection of
thirty-six maps, with a portrait of Sir "William
Petty, a work answering to its description as the
most perfect delineation of Ireland that had up to
that time been obtained. There is a coloured copy
of Potty's maps in the British Museum, and also
an uncoloured copy, with the first five maps
varying from those in the coloured copy, and
giving a General Map of Ireland, followed by
Maps of Leinstei-, Munster, Ulster, and Connaught.
There was afterwards published in duodecimo,
without date, " A Geogi*aphical Description of y®
Kingdom of Ireland, collected from y° actual
Survey made by Sir William Petty, corrected and
amended, engraven and published by Fra, Lamb."
This volume gives as its contents, "one general
mapp, four provincial mapps, and thirty-two
county mapps ; to which is added a mapp of Great
10 INTRODUCTION.
Brittaine and Ireland, together with an Index of
the whole."
At the Restoration William Petty accepted the
inevitable change, and continued his service to the
country. He was knighted by Charles the Second,
and appointed in 16G1 Inspector-General ot Ireland.
He entered Parliament. He was one of the first
founders of the Royal Society, established at the
beginning of the reign of Charles the Second ; and
the outcome of these scientific studies along the
line marked out by Francis ^acon, which had
been actively pursued in Oxford and at Gresham
College. In 1G63 he applied his ingenuity to the
invention of a swift double-bottomed ship, that
made one or two passages between England and
Ireland, but was then lost in a storm.
In 1670 Sir William Petty established on his
lands at Kerry the English settlement at the head
of the bay of Ken mare. The building of forty-
two houses for the English settlers first laid the
foundations of the present town of Kenmare. " The
population," writes Lord Macaulay, " amounted to
a hundred and eighty. The land round the town
was well cultivated. The cattle were numerous.
Two small barks were employed in fishing and
trading along the coast. The supply of herrings,
INTRODUCTION. 11
pilchards, mackerel, and salmon, was plentiful, and
would have been still more plentiful had not the
beach been, in the finest part of the year, covered by
multitudes of seals, which preyed on the fish of the
bay. Yet the seal was not an unwelcome visitor :
his fur was valuable; and his oil supplied light
through the long nights of winter. An attempt
was made with great success to set up ironworks.
It was not yet the practice to employ coal for the
purpose of smelting; and the manufacturers of
Kent and Sussex had much difficulty in procuring
timber at a reasonable price. The neighbourhood
of Kenmare was then richly wooded ; and Petty
found it a gainful speculation to send ore thither."
He looked also for profit from the variegated
marbles of adjacent islands. Distant two days'
journey over the mountains from the nearest
English, Petty's English settlement of Kenmare
withstood all surrounding dangers, and in 1688, a
year after its founder's death, defended itself suc-
cessfully against a fierce and general attack.
Sir William Petty died at London, on the IGth
of December, 1687, and was buried in his native
town of Homsey. He had added to his great
wealth by marriage, and was the founder of the
family in which another Sir William Petty
12 INTKODUCTION.
became Earl of Shelburne and first Marquis of
Lansdowne. The son of that first Marquis was
Henry third Marquis of Lansdowne, who took a
conspicuous part in our political history during
the present century.
Sir William Petty's survey of the land in Ire-
land, called the Down Survey, because its details
were set down in maps, remains the legal record
of the title on which half the land in Ireland is
held. The original maps are preserved in the
Public Record Office at Dublin, and many of
Petty's MSS. are in the Bodleian Library at
Oxford.
He published in 1662 and 1685 a "Treatise
of Taxes and Contributions, the same being fre-
quently to the present state and affairs of
Ireland," of which his view started from the
general opinion that men should contribute to
the public charge according to their interest in
the public peace — that is, according to their
riches, " Now, he said, " there are two sorts of
riches — one actual, and the other potential. A
man is actually and truly rich according to what
he eateth, drinketh, weareth, or in any other way
really and actually enjoyeth. Others are but poten-
tially and imaginatively rich, who though they have
INTRODUCTION. 13
power over much, make little use of it, these
being rather stewards and exchangers for the other
sort than owners for themselves." He then showed
how he considered that " every man ought to con-
tribute according to what he taketh to himself, and
actually enjoyeth."
In 1674 Sir William Petty published a paper
on *' Duplicate Proportion," and in 1679 he pub-
lished in Latin a " Colloquy of David with his Own
Soul." In 1682 he published a tract called
" Quantulumcunque, concerning Money ; " and
"England's Guide to Industry," in 1686. From
1682 to 1687, the year of his death, Sir William
Petty was drawing great attention to the " Essays
on Political Arithmetic," which are here reprinted.
There was the little " Essay in Political Arithmetic,
concerning the People, Housings, Hospitals of
London and Paris;" published in 1682, again in
French in 1686, and again in English in 1687.
There was the little " Essay concerning the Multi-
plication of Mankind, together with an Essay on
the Growth of London," published in 1682, and
again in 1683 and 1686. There was in 1683,
" Another Essay in Political Arithmetic concern-
ing the growth of the City of London." There
were " Farther Considerations on the Dublin Bills
14 INTRODUCTION.
of Mortality," in 1G8C; and "Five Essays on
Political Arithmetic" (in French and English),
" Observations upon the Cities of London and
Rome," in 1687, the last year of Sir William
Petty's life. Other writings of his were published
in his lifetime, or have been published since his
death. He was in the study of political economy
one of the most ingenious and practical thinkers
before the days of Adam Smith.
But the interest of those " Essays in Political
Arithmetic " lies chiefly in the facts presented by
so trustworthy an authority. London had become
in the time of the Stuarts the most populous city in
Europe, if not in the world. This Sir William
Petty sought to prove against the doubts of foreign
and other critics, and his " Political Arithmetic "
was an endeavour to determine the relative strength
in population of the chief cities of England, France,
and Holland. His application of aiithmetic in
the first of these essays to a census of the popula-
tion at the Day of Judgment he himself spoke of
slightingly. It is a curious example of a bygone
form of theological discussion. But his tables and
his reasonings upon them grow in interest as he
attempts his numbering of the people in the reign
of James II. by collecting facts upon which his
INTEODUCTION. 15
deductions might be founded. The references to the
deaths by Plague in London before the cleansing
of the town by the great fire of 1666 are very sug-
gestive ; and in one passage there is incidental
note of delay in the coming of the Plague then
due, without reckoning the change made in con-
ditions of health by the rebuilding. Nobody knew,
and no one even now can calculate, how many
lives the Fire of London saved.
There was in Petty's time no direct numbering
of the people. The first census in this country was
not until more than a hundred years after Sir
William Petty's death, although he points out in
these essays how easily it could be established, and
what useful information it would give. There
was a census taken at Rome 566 years before
Christ But the first census in Great Britain was
taken in 1801, under provision of an Act passed
on the last day of the year 1800, to secure a
numbering of the population every ten years.
Ireland was not included in the return ; the first
census in Ireland was not until the year 1813.
, Sir William Petty had to base his calculations
partly upon the Bills of Mortality, which had
been imperfectly begun under Elizabeth, but fell
into disuse, and were revived, as a weekly record
16 INTEODUCTION.
of the number of deaths, beginning on the 29th
of October, 1603 ; notices of diseases first appeared
ill them in 1629. The weekly bills were published
every Thursday, and any householder could have
them supplied to him for four shillings a year.
These essays will show how inferences as to the
number of the living were drawn from the number
of the dead. And even now our Political Arith-
metic depends too much upon rough calculations
made from the death register. It is seven years
since the last census ; we have lost count of the
changes in our population to a very gi'eat extent,
and have to wait three years before our reckoning
can be made sure. The interval should be reduced
to five years.
Another of Sir William Petty 's helps in the
arithmetic of population was the Chimney Tax, a
revival of the old fumage or hearth-money — smoke
farthings, as the people called them — once paid,
according to Domesday Book, for every chimney
in a house. Charles the Second had set up a
chimney tax in the year 1662 ; the statistics of the
collection were at the service of Sir William Petty.
The tax outlived him but two years. It was promptly
abolished in the first year of William and Mary.
The interest taken at home and abroad in these
INTEODTTCTION. 17
calculations of Political Arithmetic set other men
calculating, and reasoning upon their calculations.
The next worker in that direction was Gregory-
King, Lancaster Herald, whose calculations imme-
diately followed those of Sir William Petty. Sir
William Petty's essays extended from 1682 until
his death in 1687. Gregory King's estimates were
made in 1689. They were a study of the number
of population and distribution of wealth among us
at the time of the English Revolution, and the
unpublished results were first printed in a chapter
on " The People of England,*' which formed part
of a volume published in 1699 as "An Essay upon
the Probable Methods of making a People Gainers
in the Balance of Trade, by the Author of the
Essay on Ways and Means." The volume was
written by a member of Parliament in the days
of William and Mary, who desired to apply prin-
ciples of political economy to the maintenance of
English wealth and liberty. It has been wrongly
ascribed to Defoe ; and" its suggestion of the plan
of a trading Corporation for solution of the whole
problem of relief to the poor who cannot work, and
relief from the poor who can, might indeed make
another chapter in Defoe's "Essay on Projects."
The chapter, which gives the Political Arithmetic
18 INTRODUCTION.
of Gregory King, with such comment and sug-
gestions as might be expected from a liberal
supporter of the Revolution, and with this
suggestion of a Corporation, is in itself a complete
essay. It follows naturally upon the Political
Arithmetic of Sir William Petty in close sequence
of time, and in carrying a like method of inquiry
forward until it reaches a few more conclusions. I
have, therefore, added it to this volume. It
seems, at any rate, to show how Sir William
Petty's books, of which the very small size grieved
the stationer, had a large influence on other minds ;
liis figures bearing fruit in a new search for facts
and careful reasoning on the condition of the
country at one of the most critical times in Englisli
history.
H. M.
THE STATIONER TO THE EEADER.
The ensuing essay concerning the growth of the
city of London was entitled "Another Essay,"
intimating that some other essay had preceded it,
which was not to be found. I having been much
importuned for that precedent essay, have found
that the same was about the growth, increase, and
multiplication of mankind, which subject should in
order of nature precede that of the growth of the
city of London, but am not able to procure the
essay itself, only I have obtained from a gentleman,
who sometimes corresponded with Sir W. Petty, an
extract of a letter from Sir William to him, which
I verily believe containeth the scope thereof;
wherefore, I must desire the reader to be content
therewith, till more can be had.
The extract of a letter concerning the scope of an
essay intended to precede anotlier essay concerning
the growth of the City of London, d;c. An Essay
in Political Arithmetic, concerning the value and
increase of People and Colonies.
The scope of this essay is concerning people and
colonies, and to make way for "Another Essay"
concerning the growth of the city of London. I
desire in this first essay to give the world some
light concerning the numbers of people in England,
with Wales, and in Ireland ; as also of the number
of houses and families wherein they live, and of
acres they occupy.
2. How many live upon their lands, how many
upon their personal estates and commerce, and how
many upon art, and labour ; how many upon alms,
how many upon offices and public employments,
and how many as cheats and thieves ; how many
are impotents, children, and decrepit old men.
3. How many upon the poll-taxes in England,
do pay extraordinary rates, and how many at the
level.
22 EXTRACT OP A LETTER.
4. How many men and women are prolific, and
how many of each are married or unmarried.
5. What the value of people are in England, and
what in Ireland at a medium, both as membei*s of
the Church or Commonwealth, or as slaves and
servants to one another ; with a method how to
estimate the same, in any other country or colony.
6. How to compute the value of land in colonies,
in comparison to England and Ireland.
7. How 10,000 people in a colony may be
planted to the best advantage.
8. A conjecture in what number of years Eng-
land and Ireland may be fully peopled, as also all
America, and lastly the whole habitable earth.
9. What spot of the earth's globe were fittest for
a general and universal emporium, whereby all the
people thereof may best enjoy one another's laboura
and commodities.
10. Whether the speedy peopling of the earth
would make
(1) For the good of mankind.
(2) To fulfil the revealed will of God.
(3) To what prince or State the same would
be most advantageous.
11. An exhortation to all thinking men to solve
the Scriptures and other good histories, concerning
EXTBACT OP A LETTER. 23
the number of people in all ages of the world, in
the great cities thereof, and elsewhere.
12. An appendix concerning the different
number of sea-fish and wild-fowl at the end of
every thousand years since Noah's Flood.
13. An hypothesis of the use of those spaces (of
about 8,000 miles through) within the globe of our
earth, supposing a shell of 150 miles thick.
14. What may be the meaning of glorified
bodies, in case the place of the blessed shall be
without the convex of the orb of the fixed stars, if
that the whole system of the world was made for
the use of our earth's men.
THE PRINCIPAL POINTS OF THIS
DISCOURSE.
1. That London doubles in forty years, and all
England in three hundred and sixty years.
2. That there be, a.d. 1682, about 670,000
souls in London, and about 7,400,000 in all Eng-
land and Wales, and about 28,000,000 of acres of
profitable land.
3. That the periods of doubling the people are
found to be, in all degrees, from between ten to
twelve hundred years.
4. That the growth of London must stop of itself
before the year 1800.
5. A table helping to understand the Scriptures,
concerning the number of people mentioned in
them.
6. That the world will be fully peopled within
the next two thousand years.
7. Twelve ways whereby to try any proposal
pretended for the public good.
26 PEINCTPAL POINTS OP THIS DISCOURSE.
8. How the city of London may be made
(morally speaking) invincible.
9. A help to uniformity in religion.
10. That it is possible to increase mankind by
generation four times more than at present.
11. The plagues of London is the chief impedi-
ment and objection against the growth of the city.
12. That an exact account of the people is
necessary in this matter.
OF THE GROWTH OF THE CITY
OF LONDON:
And of the Measures^ Periods, Causes, and Con-
sequences thereof.
By the city of London we mean the housing
within the walls of the old city, with the liberties
thereof, Westminster, the Borough of Southwark,
and so much of the built ground in Middlesex
and Sun'ey, whose houses are contiguous unto, or
within call of those aforementioned. Or else we mean
the housing which stand upon the ninety-seven
parishes within the walls of London; upon the
sixteen parishes next without them ; the six
parishes of Westminster, and the fourteen out-
parishes in Middlesex and Surrey, contiguous to
the former, all which, 133 parishes, are compre-
hended within the weekly bills of mortality.
The growth of this city is measured. (1) By
the quantity of ground, or number of acres upon
which it stands. (2) By the number of houses, as
28 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
the same appears by the hearth-books and late
maps. (3) By the cubical content of the said
housing. (4) By the flooring of the same.
(5) By the number of days' work, or charge of
building the said houses. (6) By the value of the
said houses, according to their yearly rent, and
number of years' purchase. (7) By the number of
inhabitants ; according to which latter sense only
we make our computations in this essay.
Till a better rule can be obtained, we conceive
that the proportion of the people may be sufficiently
measured by the proportion of the burials in such
years as were neither remarkable for extraordinary
heaJthfulness or sickliness.
That the city hath increased in this latter sense
appears from the bills of mortality represented in
the two following tables, viz., one whereof is a
continuation for eighteen years, ending 1682, of
that table which was published in the 117th page
of the book of the observations upon the London
bills of mortality, printed in the year 1676. The
other showeth what number of people died at a
medium of two years, indifferently taken, at about
twenty years' distance from each other.
ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
29
The First of the said Two Tables.
97
16
Out-
Buried
Besides
of the
Plague.
Christ.
A.D.
Parislies.
Parishes.
Paxishes.
in all.
ened.
1665
5,320
12,463
10,925
28,708
68,596
9,967
1666
1,689
3,969
5,082
10,740
1,998
8,997
1667
761
6,405
8,641
15,807
35
10,938
1668
796
6,865
9,603
17,267
14
11,633
1669
1,323
7,500
10,440
19,263
3
12,335
1670
1,890
7,808
10,500
20,198
11,997
1671
1,723
5,938
8,063
15,724
5
12,510
1672
2,237
6,788
9,200
18,225
5
12,593
1673
2,307
6,302
8,890
17,499
5
11,895
1674
2,801
7,522
10,875
21,198
3
11,851
1675
2,555
5,986
8,702
17,243
1
11,775
1676
2,756
6,508
9,466
18,730
2
12,399
1677
2,817
6,632
9,616
19,065
2
12,626
1678
3,060
6,705
10,908
20,673
5
12,601
1679
3,074
7,481
11,173
21,728
2
12,288
1680
3,076
7,066
10,911
21,053
12,747
1681
3,669
8,136
12,166
23,971
13,355
1682
2,975
7,009
10,707
20,691
12,653
According to which latter table there died as
follows : —
The Latter of the said Two Tables.
There died in London at tlie medium between the years—
1604 and 1605 5,135. A.
1621 and 1622 8,527. B.
1641 and 1642 11,883. C.
1661 and 1662 15,148. D.
1681 and 1682 22,331. E.
Wherein observe, that the number C is double
to A and 806 over. That B is double to
30 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
B within 1,906. That C and D is double to A
and B within 203. That E is double to C within
1,435. That D and E is double to B and C within
3,341 ; and that C and D and E are double to A
and B and C within 1,736 ; and that E is above
quadruple to A. All which differences (every way
considered) do allow the doubling of the people of
London in 40 years to be a sufficient estimate
thereof in round numbers, and without the trouble
of fractions. We also say that 669,930 is near
the number of people now in London, because the
burials are 22,331, which, multiplied by 30 (one
dying yearly out of 30, as appears in the 94th
page of the aforementioned observations), maketh
the said number; and because there are 84,000
tenanted houses (as we are credibly informed),
which, at 8 in each, makes 672,000 souls ; the
said two accounts differing inconsiderably from
each other.
We have thus pretty well found out in what
number of years (viz., in about 40) that the city of
London hath doubled, and the present number of
inhabitants to be about 670,000. We must now
also endeavour the same for the whole territory of
England and Wales. In order whereunto, we first
say that the assessment of London is about an
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 31
eleventh part of the whole territory, and, therefore,
that the people of the whole may well be eleven
times that of London, viz., about 7,369,000 souls ;
with which account that of the poll-money, hearth-
money, and the bishop's late numbering of the
communicants, do pretty well agree ; wherefore,
although the said number of 7,369,000 be not (as
it cannot be) a demonstrated truth, yet it will
serve for a good supposition, which is as much as
we want at present.
As for the time in which the people double, it is
yet more hard to be found. For we have good ex-
perience (in the said page 94 of the afore-mentioned
observations) that in the country but 1 of 50 die
per annum ; and by other late accounts, that there
have been sometimes but 24 births for 23 burials.
The which two points, if they were universally and
constantly true, there would be colour enough to
say that the people doubled but in about 1,200
years. As, for example, suppose there be 600
people, of which let a fiftieth part die per annum,
then there shall die 12 per annum ; and if the
births be as 24 to 23, then the increase of the
people shall be somewhat above half a man per
annum, and consequently the supposed number of
600 cannot be doubled but in 1,126 years, which,
32 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
to reckon in round numbers, and for that the afore-
mentioned fractions were not exact, we had rather
call 1,200.
There are also other good observations, that
even in the country one in about 30 or 32 per
annum hath died, and that there liave been live
births for four burials. Now, according to this
doctrine, 20 will die per annum out of the above
GOO, and 25 will be born, so as the increase will be
five, which is a hundred and twentieth part of the
said 600. So as we have two fair computations,
differing from each other as one to ten ; and there
are also several other good observations for other
measures.
I might here insert, that although the births in
this last computation be 25 of 600, or a twenty-
fourth part of the people, yet that in natural
possibility they may be near thrice as many, and
near 75. For that by some late observations, the
teeming females between 15 and 44 are about 180
of the said 600, and the males of between 18 and
59 are about 180 also, and that every teeming
woman can bear a child once in two years ; from
all which it is plain that the births may be 90
(and abating 15 for sickness, young abortions, and
natural barrenness), there may remain 75 births,
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 33
which is an eighth of the people, which by some
observations we have found to be but a two-and-
thirtieth part, or but a quarter of what is thus
shown to be naturally possible. Now, according
to this reckoning, if the births may be 75 of 600,
and the burials but 15, then the annual increase
of the people will be 60 ; and so the said 600
people may double in ten years, which differs yet
more from 1,200 above-mentioned. Now, to get
out of this difficulty, and to temper those vast dis-
agreements, I took the medium of 50 and 30 dying
per annum, and pitched upon 40 ; and I also took
the medium between 24 births and 23 burials, and
5 births for 4 burials, viz., allowing about 10
births for 9 burials ; upon which supposition
there must die 15 per annum out of the above-
mentioned 600, and the births must be 16 and
two-thirds, and the increase one and two-thirds, or
five-thirds of a man, which number, compared with
1,800 thirds, or 600 men, gives 360 years for the
time of doubling (including some allowance for
wars, plagues, and famines, the effects thereof),
though they be terrible at the times and places
where they happen, yet in a period of 3G0 years is
no great matter in the whole nation. For the
plagues of England in twenty years have carried
B— 142
34 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
away scarce an eightieth part of the people of the
whole nation ; and the late ten years' civil wars
(the like whereof hath not been in several ages
before) did not take away above a fortieth part of
the whole people.
According to which account or measure of
doubling, if there be now in England and Wales
7,400,000 people, there were about 5,526,000 in
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, A.D.
1560, and about 2,000,000 at the Norman Con-
quest, of which consult the Doomsday Book, and
my Lord Hale's " Origination of Mankind."
Memorandum. — That if the people double in
360 years, that the present 320,000,000 computed
by some learned men (from the measures of all the
nations of the world, their degrees of being peopled,
and good accounts of the people in several of them)
to be now upon the face of the earth, will within
the next 2,000 years so increase as to give one
head for every two acres of land in the habitnble
part of the earth. And then, according to the
prediction of the Scriptures, there must be wars,
and great slaughter, <kc.
Wheref )re, as an exj>edient against the above-
mentioned difference between 10 and 1,200 years,
we do for the present, and in this country, admit
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 35
of 360 years to be the time wherein the people of
England do double, according to the present laws
and practice of marriages.
Now, if the city double its people in 40 years,
and the present number be 670,000, and if the
whole territory be 7,400,000, and double in 360
yeai-s, as aforesaid, then by the underwritten table
it appears that a.d. 1840 the people of the city
will be 10,718,880, and those of the whole country
but 10,917,389, which is but inconsiderably more.
Wherefore it is certain and necessary that the
growth of the city must stop before the said year
1810, and will be at its utmost height in the next
preceding period, a.d. 1800, when tl)(i number
of the city will be eight times its presen:: number,
viz., 5,359,000. And when (besides the said
number) there will be 4,466,000 to perform the
tillage, pasturage, and other rural works necessary
to be done without the said city, as by the following
table, viz. ; —
A.D. Burials. People in People in
• A^i"xa,xa. London. England.
1565 2,568 77,040 5,526,929
Asinthe) 1605 0,135
former } 1642 11,883
table. J 1682 22,331 669,930 7,369,230
1722 44,662
1762 89,324
1802 178,648 6,359,440 9,82o,6oO
1842 357,296 10,718,889 10,917,389
3b ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
Now, when the people of London shall come to
be so near the people of all England, then it
follows that the growth of London must stop
before the said year 1842, as aforesaid, and must
be at its greatest height A.D. 1800, when it will
be eight times more than now, with above 4,000,000
for the service of the country and ports, as afore-
said.
Of the afore-mentioned vast difference between
10 years and 1,200 years for doubling the people,
■we make this use, viz. : — To justify the Scriptures
and all other good histories concerning the number
of the people in ancient time. For supposing the
eight persons who came out of the Ark, increased
by a progressive doubling in every ten years, might
grow in the first 100 years after the Flood from 8
to 8,000, and that in 350 years after the Flood
(whenabouts Noah died) to 1,000,000 and by this
time, 1682, to 320,000,000 (which by rational con-
jecture are thought to be now in the world), it will
not be hard to compute how, in the intermediate
years, the gi'owths may be made, according to what
is set down in the following table, wherein making
the doubling to be ten years at first, and within
1,200 yeai's at last, we take a discretionary liberty,
but justifiable by observations and the Scriptures
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 37
for the rest, which table we leave to be corrected
by historians who know the bigness of ancient
cities, armies, and colonies in the respective ages of
the world, in the meantime affirming that without
such difference in the measures and periods for
doubling (the extremes whereof we have demon-
strated to be real and true) it is impossible to solve
what is written in the Holy Scriptures and other
authentic books. For if we pitch upon any one
number throughout for this purpose, 150 years is
the fittest of all round numbers ; according to
which there would have been but 512 souls in the
whole world in Moses' time (being 800 years after
the Flood), when 603,000 Israelites of above
twenty years old (besides those of other ages, tribes,
and nations) were found upon an exact survey ap-
pointed by God, whereas our table makes 12,000,000.
And there would have been about 8,000 in David's
time, when were found 1,100,000, of above twenty
years old (besides others, as aforesaid) in Israel, upon
the survey instigated by Satan, whereas our table
makes 32,000,000. And there would have been
but a q\iarter of a million about the birth of Christ,
or Augustus's time, when Rome and the Roman
Empire were so great, whereas our table makes
100,000,000. Where note, that the Israelites in
38 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
about 500 years, between their coming out of Egypt tc
David's reign, increased from 603,000 to 1,100,000.
On the. other hand, if we pitch upon a less
number, as 100 years, the world would have been
over-peopled 700 years since. Wherefore no one
number will solve the phenomena, and therefore
we have supposed several, in order to make the fol-
lowing table, which we again desire historians to
correct, according to what they find in antiquity
concerning the number of the people in each age
and country of the world.
We did (not long since) assist a worthy divine,
writing against some sceptics, who would have
baffled our belief of the resurrection, by saying, that
the whole globe of the earth could not furnish
matter enough for all the bodies that must rise at
the last day, much less would the surface of the
earth furnish footing for so vast a number ; whereas
we did (by the method afore mentioned) assert the
number of men now living, and also of those that
had died since the beginning of the world, and did
withal show, that half the island of Ireland would
afford them all, not only footing to stand upon, but
graves to lie down in, for that whole number ; and
that two mountains in that country were as weighty
as all the bodies that had ever been from the be-
ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
39
ginning of the world to the year 1680, when this
dispute happened. For which purpose I have
digressed from my intended purpose to insert this
matter, intending to prosecute this hint further
upon some more proper occasion.
A Table showing how the People might have Doubled
IN THE several AgES OF THE WoRLD.
A.D. after the Flood.
Periods of
doubling
n
10
20
30
40
In 10 yeai-s-( 50
60
70
80
90
t.100
120 years after
the Hood.
140
170
In 20 vcars
30
40
50
60
70
100
190
290
400
550
750
1,000
8 persons.
16
32
64
128
256
512
1,024
2,048
4,096
8,000 and more.
16.000
32,000
64,000
200
240
290
350
420
520
710
1,000
1,400
1,950
2,700
3,700
128,000
256,000
512,000
1,000,000 and more.
2,000,000
4,000,000
8,000,000
16,000,000 in Moses' time.
32,000,000 about David's time.
64,000,000 [Christ.
128,000,000 about the birth of
256,000,000
40 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
300
In... ] 4,000 320,000,000
1,200
It is here to be noted, that in this table we have
assigned a different number of years for the time of
doubling the people in the several ages of the world,
and might have done the same for the several
countries of the world, and therefore the said
several periods assigned to the whole world in the
lump may well enough consist with the 360 years
especially assigned to England, between this day
and the Norman Conquest ; and the said 360 years
may well enough serve for a supposition between
this time and that of the world's being fully
peopled ; nor do we lay any stress upon one or the
other in this disquisition concerning the growth of
the city of London.
We have spoken of the growth of London, with
the measures and periods thereof ; we come next to
the causes and consequences of the same.
The causes of its growth from 16-42 to 1682 may
be said to have been as follows, viz.: — From 1642
to 1650, that men came out of the country to
London, to shelter themselves from the outrages of
the Civil Wars during that time; from 1650 to
1660, the royal party came to London for theii*
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 41
more private and inexpensive living; from 1660 to
1670, the king's friends and party came to receive
his favoui-s after his happy restoration ; from 1670
to 1680, the frequency of plots and parliaments
might bring extraordinary numbers to the city ;
but what reasons to assign for the like increase
from 1604 to 1642 I know not, unless I should
pick out some remarkable accident happening in
each part of the said period, and make that to be
the cause of this increase (as vulgar people make
the cause of every man's sickness to be what he
did last eat), wherefore, rather than so to say
quidlihet de quolibet, I had rather quit even what
I have above said to be the cause of London's
increase from 1642 to 1682, and put the whole
upon some natural and spontaneous benefits and
advantages that men find by living in great more
than in small societies, and shall therefore seek
for the antecedent causes of this growth in the
consequences of the like, considered in greater
characters and proportions.
Kow, whereas in arithmetic, out of two false
positions the truth is extracted, so I hope out of
two extravagant contrary suppositions to draw
forth some solid and consistent conclusion, viz. : —
The first of the said two suppositions is, that the
42 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
city of London is seven times bigger than now,
and that the inhabitants of it are 4,690,000
people, and that in all the other cities, ports,
towns, and villages, there are but 2,710,000
more.
The other supposition is, that the city of London
is but a seventh part of its present bigness, and
that the inhabitants of it are but 96,000, and that
the rest of the inhabitants (being 7,304,000) do
cohabit thus : 104,000 of them in small cities and
towns, and that the rest, being 7,200,000, do in-
habit in houses not contiguous to one another, viz.,
in 1,200,000 houses, having about twenty-four acres
of ground belonging to each of them, accounting
about 28,000,000 of acres to be in the whole terri-
tory of England, Wales, and the adjacent islands,
which any man that pleases may examine upon a
good map.
Now, the question is, in which of these two
imaginary states would be the most convenient,
commodious, and comfortable livings 'i
But this general question divides itself into the
several questions, relating to the following parti-
culars, viz. : —
1. For the defence of the kingdom against
foreign powers.
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 43
2. For preventing the intestine commotions of
parties and factions.
3. For peace and uniformity in religion.
4. For the administration of justice.
5. For the proportionably taxing of the people,
and easy levying the same.
6. For gain by foreign commerce.
7. For husbandry, manufacture, and for arts of
delight and ornament.
8. For lessening the fatigue of carriages and
travelling.
9. For preventing beggars and thieves.
10. For the advancement and propagation of
useful learning.
11. For increasing the people by generation.
12. For preventing the mischiefs of plagues and
contagions. And withal, which of the said two
states is most practicable and natural, for in these
and the like particulars do lie the tests and touch-
stones of all proposals that can be made for the
public good.
First, as to practicable, we say, that although
our said extravagant proposals are both in nature
possible, yet it is not obvious to every man to
conceive how London, now seven times bigger
than in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign,
44 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
should be seven times bigger than now it is, and
forty-nine times bigger than a.d. 1560. To which
I say, 1. That the present city of London stands upon
less than 2,500 acres of gi-ound, wherefore a city
seven times as large may stand upon 10,500 acres,
which is about equivalent to a circle of four miles
and a half in diameter, and less than fifteen miles in
circumference. 2. That a circle of ground of thirty*
five miles semidiameter will bear corn, garden-stuff,
fruits, hay, and timber, for the -1,690,000 inhabi-
tants of the said city and circle, so as nothing of
that kind need be brought from above thirty-five
miles distance from the said city ; for the number of
acres within the said circle, reckoning two acres
sufficient to furnish bread and drink-corn for every
head, and two acres will furnish hay for every ne-
cessary horse ; and that the trees which may grow
in the hedgerows of the fields within the said cir-
cle may furnish timber for 600,000 houses. 3.
That all live cattle and great animals can bring
themselves to the said city ; and that fish can be
brought from the Laud's End and Berwick a>
easily as now. 4. Of coals there is no doubt :
aud for water, 20s. per family (or £600,000 per
annum in the whole) will serve this city, especially
with the help of the New River. But if by practic-
ESSAYS OX MANKIND. 45
able be understood that the present state may be
suddenly changed into either of the two above-
mentioned proposals, I think it is not piacticable.
Wherefore the true question is, unto or towards
which of the said two extravagant states it is best
to })end the present state by degrees, viz., Whether
it be best to lessen or enlarge the present city 1
In order whereunto, we inquire (as to the first
question) which state is most defensible against
foreign powers, saying, that if the above-mentioned
housing, and a border of ground, of three-quarters
of a mile broad, were encompassed with a wall and
ditch of twenty miles about (as strong as any in
Europe, which would cost but a million, or about a
l)enny in the shilling of the house-rent for one
year) what foreign prince could bring an army
from beyond seas, able to beat — 1. Our sea-forces,
and next with horse harassed at sea, to resist all
the fresh horse that England could make, and then
conquer above a million of men, well united, disci-
plined, and guarded within such a wall, distant
everywhere three-quarters of a mile from the housing,
to elude the granadoes and great shot of the enemy !
2. As to intestine pai-ties and factions, I suppose that
4,690,000 people united within this great city
could easily govern half the said number scattered
46 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
without it, and that a few men in arms within tlie
said city and wall could also easily govern the
rest unarmed, or armed in such a manner as the
Soverei<j:n shall think fit. 3. As to uniformity in
religion, I conceive, that if St. Martin's parish
(may as it doth) consist of about 40,000 souls,
that this great city also may as well be made but
as one parish, with seven times 130 chap«ils, in which
might not only be an uniformity of common
prayer, but in preaching also ; for that a thousand
copies of one judiciously and authentically com-
posed sermon might be every week read in each of
the said chapels without any subsequent repetition
of the same, as in the case of homilies. Whereas
in England (wherein are near 10,000 parishes, in
each of which upon Sundays, holy days, and other
extraordinary occasions there should be about 100
sermons per annum, making about a million of
sermons per annum in the whole) it were a
miracle, if a million of sermons composed by so many
men, and of so many minds and methods, should
produce uniformity upon the discomposed under-
standings of about 8,000,000 of hearers.
4. As to the administration of justice. If in
this great city shall dwell the owners of all the
lands, and other valuable things in England ; if
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 47
within it shall be all the traders, and all the
coui-ts, offices, records, juries, and witnesses ; then it
follows that justice may be done with speed and ease.
5. As to the equality and easy levying of taxes.
It is too certain that London hath at some time
paid near half the excise of England, and that the
people i^ay thrice as much for the hearths in
London as those in the country, in proportion to
the people of each, and that the charge of col-
lecting these duties have been about a sixth part
of the duty itself. Now in this great city the
excise alone according to the present laws would
not only be double to the whole kingdom, but also
more equal. And the duty of hearths of the said
city would exceed the present proceed of the whole
kingdom. And as for the customs we mention
tlieui not at present.
0. Whether more would be gained by foreign
commerce 1 The gain which England makes by
lead, coals, the freight of shipping, &c., may be
the same, for aught I see, in both cases. But the
gain which is made by manufactures will be
greater as the manufacture itself is greater and
better. For in so vast a city manufactures will
beget one another, and each manufacture will be
divided into as many parts as possible, whereby
48 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
the work of each artisan will be simple and easy.
As, for example, in the making of a watch, if one
man shall make the wheels, another the spring,
another shall engrave the dial-plate, and another
shall make the cases, then the watch will be better
and cheapor than if the whole work be put upon
any one man. And we also see that in towns, and
in the streets of a great town, where all the inhabi-
tants are almost of one trade, the commodity pe-
culiar to those places is made better and cheaper
than elsewhere. Moreover, when all sorts of
manufactures are made in one place, there every
ship that goeth forth can suddenly have its loading
of so many several particulars and species as the
port whereunto she is bound can take off. Again,
when the several manufactures are made in one
place, and shipped off in another, the carriage, post-
age, and travelling charges, will enhance the price
of such manufacture, and lessen the gain upon
foreign commerce. And lastly, wli6>n the imported
goods are spent in the port itself, where they are
landed, the carriage of the same into other places
will create no further charge upon such com-
modity ; all which particulars tend to the greater
gain by foreign commerce.
7. As for arts of delight and ornament. They
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 49
are best promoted ]>y the greatest number of emula-
tors. And it is more likely that one ingenious
curious man may rather be found out amongst
4,000,000 than 400 persons. But as for husbandry,
viz., tillage and pasturage, I see no reason, but
the second state (when each family is charged with
the culture of about twenty-four acres) will best
promote the same.
8. As for lessening the fatigue of carriage and
travelling.
The thing speaks for itself, for if all the men of
business, and all artisans, do live within five miles
of each other, and if those who live without the
great city do spend only such commodities as grow
where they live, then the charge of carriage and
travelling could be little.
9. As to the preventing of beggars and thieves.
I do not find how the differences of the said two
states should make much difference in this par-
ticular ; for impotents (which are but one in about
600) ought to be maintained by the rest. 2. Those
who are unable to work, through the evil education
of their parents, ought (for aught I know) to be
maintained by their nearest kindred, as a just
punishment upon them. 3. And those who can-
not find work (though able and willing to perform
60 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
it), by reason of the unequal application of hands
to lands, ought to be provided for by the magis-
trate and landlord till that can be done ; for there
need be no beggars in countries where there are
many acres of unimproved improvable land to
every head, as there are in England. As for
thieves, they are for the most part begotten from
the same cause ; for it is against Nature that any
man should venture his life, limb, or liberty, for a
wretched livelihood, whereas moderate labour will
produce a better. But of this see Sir Thomas
More, in the first part of his " Utopia."
10. As to the propagation and improvement of
useful learning.
The same may be said concerning it as was above
said concerning manufactures, and the arts of
delight and ornaments ; for in the great vast city
there can be no so odd a conceit or design where-
unto some assistance may not be found, which in
the thin, scattered way of habitation may not be.
11. As for the increase of people by generation.
I see no great difierence from either of the two
states, for the same may be hindered or promoted
in either from the same causes.
12. As to the plague.
It is to be remembered that one time with
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 51
another a plague happeneth in London once in
twenty years, or thereabouts ; for in the last hun-
dred years, between the years 1582 and 1682, there
have been five great plagues — ^viz., A.D. 1592, 1603,
1625, 1636, and 1665. And it is also to be re-
membered that the plagues of London do com-
monly kill one-fifth part of the inhabitants. Now
if the whole people of England do double but in
360 years, then the annual increase of the same is
but 20,000, and in twenty years 400,000. But if
in the city of London there should be 2,000,000
of people (as there will be about sixty years hence),
then the plague (killing one-fifth of them, namely,
400,000 once in twenty years) will destroy as many
in one year as the whole nation can re-furnish in
twenty ; and consequently the people of the nation
shall never increase. But if the people of London
shall be above 4,000,000 (as in the first of our two
extravagant suppositions is premised), then the peo-
ple of the whole nation shall lessen above 20,000
per annum. So as if people be worth .£70 per head
(as hath elsewhere been shown), then the said
greatness of the city will be a damage to itself and
the whole nation of £1,400,000 per annum,
and so pro rata for a greater or lesser number;
wherefore to determine which of the two states is
52 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
best — -that is to say, towards which of the said two
states authority should bend the present state, a
just balance ought to be made between the disad-
vantages from the plague, with the advantages
accruing from the other particulars above men-
tioned, unto which balance a more exact account
of the people, and a better rule for the measure of
its growth is necessary than what we have here
given, or are yet able to lay down.
POSTSCRIPT.
It was not very pertinent to a discourse concerning
the growth of the city of London to thrust in con-
siderations of the time when the whole world will
be fully peopled ; and how to justify the Scriptures
concerning the number of people mentioned in
them j and concerning the number of the quick
and the dead that may rise at the last day, *t;c.
Nevertheless, since some friends, liking the said
digressions and impertinences (perhaps as sauce
to a dry discourse) have desired that the same
might be explained and made out, I, therefore,
say as followeth : —
1. If the number of acres in the habitable
part of the earth be under 50,000,000,000; if
20,000,000,000 of people are more than the said
number of acres will feed (few or no countries
being so fully peopled), and for that in six doublings
(which will be in 2,000 years) the present
320,000,000 will exceed the said 20,000,000,000.
2. That the number of all those who have died
64 POSTSCRIPT.
since the Flooa is the sum of all the products
made by multiplying the number of the doubling
periods mentioned in the fii-st colimin of the last
table, by the number of people respectively affixed
to them in the third column of the same table,
the said sum being divided by 40 (one dying out
of 40 per annum out of the whole mass of man-
kind), which quotient is 12,570,000,000 ; where-
unto may be added, for those that died before the
Flood, enough to make the last-mentioned number
20,000,000,000, as the full number of all that died
from the beginning of the world to the year 1682,
unto which, if 320,000,000, the number of those
who are now alive, be added, the total of the quick
and the dead will amount but unto one fifth part of
the graves which the surface of Ireland will afibrd,
without ever putting two bodies into any one
grave ; for there be in Ireland 28,000 square
English miles, each whereof will afford about
4,000,000 of graves, and consequently above
114,000,000,000 of graves, viz., about five times
the number of the quick and the dead which
should arise at the last day, in case the same had
been in the year 1682.
3. Now, if there may be place for five times as
many graves in Ireland as are sufficient for all that
POSTSCRIPT. 55
ever died, and if the earth of one grave weigh five
times as much as the body interred therein, then a
turf less than a foot thick pared oflf from a fifth
part of the surface of Ireland, will be equivalent
in bulk and weight to all the bodies that ever were
buried, and may serve as well for that purpose as
the two mountains afore-mentioned in the body of
this discourse. From all which it is plain how
madly they were mistaken who did so petulantly
vilify what the Holy Scriptures have delivered.
FURTHER OBSERVATION UPON THE
DUBLIN BILLS;
Or^ Accounts of the Houses, Hearths, Baptisms^ and Burials
in that City.
THE STATIONER TO THE READEE.
I HAVE not thought fit to make any alteration of
the first edition, but have only added a new table,
with observation upon it, placing the same in the
front of what was before, which, perhaps, might
have been as well placed after the like table at the
eighth page of the first edition.
FURTHER OBSERVATIONS UPON THE
DUBLIN ACCOUNTS OE BAPTISMS AND
BURIALS, HOUSES AND HEARTHS.
DuBLix, 1682.
Parishes.
Houses.
Fireplaces.
Baptised
Buried.
St. James's . . .
St. Katherine's . .
272
540
836 )
2,198 j
122
306
St. Nicholas With- ]
out and y
1,064
4,082
145
414
St. Patrick's ;
St. Bridget's . .
395
1,903
68
149
St. Audone's . .
276
1,610
56
164
St. Llichael's . .
174
884
34
50
St. John's . . .
302
1,636
74
101
St. Nicholas Within")
and [
153
902
26
52
Christ Church Lib. )
St. Warburgh's .
240
1,638
45
105
St. Michan's . .
938
3,516
124
389
St. Andrew's . .
864
3,638
131
300
St. Kevin's . . .
554
2,120 1
87
233
Donnybrook . . .
253
506)
25,369
6,025
912
2,263
The table hath been made for the year 1682,
wherein is to be noted —
1. That the houses which a.d. 1671 were but
62 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
3,850 are, a.d. 1682, 6,025; but whether this
difference is caused by the real increase of housing,
or by fraud and defect in the former accounts, is
left to consideration. For the burials of people
have increased but from 1,696 to 2,263, according
to which proportion the 3,850 houses a.d. 1671
should A.D. 1682 have been but 5,143, where-
fore some fault may be suspected as aforesaid,
when farming the hearth-money was in agitation.
2. The hearths have increased according to the
burials, and one-third of the said increase more,
viz., the burials a.d. 1671 were 1,696, the one-
third whereof is 563, which put together makes
2,259, which is near the number of burials a.d.
1682. But the hearths a.d. 1671 were 17,500,
whereof the one-third is 5,833, making in all but
23,333; whereas the whole hearths a.d. 1682
were 25,369, viz., one-third and better of the said
5,833 more.
3. The housing were a.d. 1671 but 3,850,
which if they had increased a.d. 1682 but ac-
cording to the burials, they had been but 5,143,
or, according to the hearths, had been but 5,48>
whereas they appear 6,025, increasing double lu
the hearths. So as it is likely there hath been
some error in the said account of the housing,
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 6J5
unless the new housing be very small, and have
but one chimney apiece, and that one-fourth part
of them are untenanted. On the other hand, it is
more likely that when 1,696 died per annum there
were near 6,000 ; for 6,000 houses at 8 inhabitants
per house, would make the number of the people to
be 48,000, and the number of 1,696 that died ac-
cording to the rule of one out of 30, would have
made the number of inhabitants about 50,000 :
for which reason I continue to believe there wa.s
some en'or in the account of 3,850 houses as afore-
said, and the rather because there is no ground
from experience to think that in eleven years the
houses in Dublin have increased from 3,850 to
6,025.
Moreover, I rather think that the number of
6,025 is yet short, because that number at 8 heads
per house makes the inhabitants to be but 48,200 ;
whereas the 2,263 who died in the year 1682,
according to the aforementioned rule of one dying
out of 30 makes the number of people to be 67,890,
the medium betwixt which number and 48,200 is
58,045, which is the best estimate I can make of
that matter, which I hope authority will ere long
rectify, by direct and exact inquiries.
4. As to the births, we say that a d. 1640,
64 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
1641, and 1642, at London, just before the troubles
in religion began, the births were live-sixths of the
burials, by reason I suppose of the greaterness of
families in London above the country, and the
fewer breeders, and not for want of registering.
Wherefore, deducting one-sixth of 2,263, which is
377, there remains 1,886 for the probable number
of births in Dublin for the year 1682; whereas
but 912 are represented to have been christened in
that year, though 1,023 were christened a.d. 1671,
when there died but 1,696, which decreasing of
the christening, and increasing of the burials,
shows the increase of non-registering in the legal
books, which must be the increase of Roman
Catholics at Dublin.
The scope of this whole paper therefore is, that
the people of Dublin are rather 58,000 than
32,000, and that the dissenters, who do not
register their baptisms, have increased from 391 to
974 : but of dissenters, none have increased but
the Roman Catholics, whose numbei's have increasd
from about two to five in the said years. The
exacter knowledge whereof may also be better had
from direct inquiries.
)BSEItyATIONS UPON THE DUBLTISr
BILLS OF MORTALITY, 1681 : AND
THE STATE OF THAT CITY.
The observations upon the London bills of mor-
tality have been a new light to the world, and the
ike observation upon those of Dublin may serve
as snuffers to make the same candle bum clearer.
The London observations flowed from bills regu-
larly kept for near one hundred years, but these
are squeezed out of six straggling London bills, out
of fifteen Dublin bills, and from a note of the
families and hearths in each parish of Dublin,
which are all digested into the one table or sheet
annexed, consisting of three parts, marked A, B,
C ; being indeed the A, B, C of public economy,
and even of that policy which tends to peace and
plenty.
Observations upon t/ie Table A,
1. The total of the burials in London (for the
said six straggling years mentioned in the Table A)
is 120,170, whereof the medium or sixth part is
c— 142
66 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
20,028, and exceeds the burials of Paris, as may
appear by the late bills of that city.
2. The births, for the same time, are 73,683,
the medium or sixth part whereof is 12,280, which
is about five-eighth parts of the burials, and shows
that London would in time decrease quite away,
were it not supplied out of the country, where are
about five births for four burials, the proportion of
breeders in the country being greater than in the
city.
3. The burials in Dublin for the said six years
were 9,865, the sixth part or medium whereof is
1,644, which is about the twelfth part of the
London burials, and about a fifth part over. So
as the people of London do hereby seem to be
above twelve times as many as those of Dublin.
4. The births in the same time at Dublin are
6,157, the sixth part or medium whereof is 1,026,
which is also about five-eighth parts of the 1,644
burials, which shows that the proportion between
burials and births are alike at London and Dublin,
and that the accounts are kept alike, and conse-
quently are likely to be true, there being no
confederacy for that purpose; which, if they be
true, we then say —
5. That the births are the best way (till the
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 67
accounts of the people shall be purposely taken)
whereby to judge of the increase and decrease of
people, that of burials being subject to more con-
tingencies and variety of causes.
6. If births be as yet the measure of the people,
and that the births (as has been shown) are as five
to eight, then eight-fifths of the births is the
number of the burials, where the year was not
considerable for extraordinary sickness or salu-
brity, and is the rule whereby to measure the
same. As for example, the medium of births in
Dublin was 1,026, the eight-fifths whereof is 1,641,
but the real burials were 1,644; so as in the said
years they differed little from the 1,641, which was
the standard of health, and consequently the years
1680, 1674, and 1668 were sickly yeai-s, more or
less, as they exceeded the said number, 1,641 ; and
the rest were healthful years, more or less, as they
fell short of the same number. But the city was
more or less populous, as the births differed from
the number 1,026, viz., populous in the years
1680, 1679, 1678, and 1668, for other causes of
this difference in births are very occult and un-
certain.
7. What hath been said of Dublin, serves also
for London,
«J ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
8. It hath already been observed by the London
bills that there are more males than females. It is
to be further noted, that in these six London bills,
also, there is not one instance either in the births
or burials to the contrary.
9. It hath been formerly observed that in the
years wherein most die fewest are born, and vice
versd. The same may be further observed in males
and females, viz., when fewest males are born then
most die : for here the males died as twelve to
eleven, which is above the mean proportion of four-
teen to thirteen, but were born but as nineteen to
eighteen, which is below the same.
Observations upon the Table B.
1. From the Table B it appears that the medium
of the fifteen years' burials (being 24,199) is 1,613,
whereas the medium of the other six years in the
Table A was 1,644, and that the medium of the
fifteen years' births (being in all 14,765) is 984,
whereas the medium of the said other six years
was 1,026. That is to say, there were both fewer
births and burials in these fifteen years than in
the other six years, which is a probable sign that
at a medium there were fewer people also.
2. The medium of births for the fifteen years
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 69
being 984, whereof eight-fifths (being 1,576) is the
standard of health for the said fifteen years ; and
the triple of the said 1,576 being 4,728, is the
standard for each of the ternaries of the fifteen
years within the said table.
3. That 2,952, the triple of 984 births, is for each
ternary the standard of people's increase and de-
crease from the year 1666 to 1680 inclusive, viz.,
the people increased in the second ternary, and
decreased from the same in the third and fourth
ternaries, but re- increased in the fifth ternary
beyond any other.
4. That the last ternary was withal very health-
ful, the burials being but 4,624, viz., below 4,728,
the standard.
5. That according to this proportion of increase,
the housing of Dublin have probably increased
also.
Observations upon the Table C.
1. First, from the Table 0 it appears, 1. That the
housing of Dublin is such, as that there are not five
hearths in each house one with another, but nearer
five than four.
2. That in St. Warburgh's parish are near six
hearths to a house. In St. John's five. In St.
Michael's above five. In St. Nicholas Within above
70 ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
six. In Christ Church above seven. In St. James's
and St. Katherine's, and in St. Michan's, not four.
In St. Kevin's about four.
3. That in St. James's, St. Michan's, St. Bride's,
St. Warburgh's, St. Andrew's, St. Michael's, and St.
Patrick's, all the christenings were but 550, and
the burials 1,055, viz., near double; and that in
the rest of the parishes the christenings were five,
and the burials seven, viz., as 457 to 634. Now
whether the cause of this difference was negligence
in accounts, or the greaterness of the families, tfec,
is worth inquiring.
4. It is hard to say in what order (as to great-
ness) these parishes ought to stand, some having
most families, some most hearths, some most births,
and others most burials. Some paiishes exceeding
the rest in two, others in three of the said four
particulars, but none in all four. Wherefore this
table ranketh them according to the plurality of the
said four particulars wherein each excelleth the otlier.
5. The London observations reckon eight heads
in each family, according to which estimation,
there are 32,000 souls in the 4,000 families of
Dublin, which is but half of what most men
imagine, of which but about one sixth part are
able to bear arms, besides the royal regiment.
ESSAYS ON MANKIND. 71
6. Without the knowledge of the true number of
people, as a principle, the whole scope and use of
the keeping bills of births and burials is impaired ;
wherefore by laborious conjectures and calculations
to deduce the number of people from the births
and burials, may be ingenious, but very prepos
terous.
7. If the number of families in Dublin be
about 4,000, then ten men in one week (at the
charge of about £5 surveying eight families in an
hour) may directly, and without algebra, make an
account of the whole people, expressing their
several ages, sex, marriages, title, trade, religion,
&c., and those who survey the hearths, or the con-
stables or the parish clerks (may, if required) do
the same ex officio^ and without other charge, by
the command of the chief governor, the diocesan, or
the mayor.
8. The bills of London have since their beginning
admitted several alterations and improvements,
1 and £8 or £10 per annum surcharge, would
make the bills of Dublin to exceed all others, and
become an excellent instrument of Government.
■^ To which purpose the forms for weekly, quarterly,
^m and yearly bills are humbly recommended, viz. : —
k
72
ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
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ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
TABLE B.— DUBLIN.
78
Anno Domini.
Burials. | Births
In Ternaries
of Years.
1666
1667
1668
1669
1670
1671
1672
1673
1674
1675
1676
1677
1678
M 1679
1680
1,045 "j
1,061 V
1,096
24,199 14,765
1,613
984
4,821
5,353
5,073
4,328
4,624
24,199
1,613
74
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ESSAYS OX MANKIND.
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ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
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ESSAYS ON MANKIND,
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ESSAYS ON MANKIND.
CASUALTIES AND DISEASES.
Aged above 70 ypars
Abortive and still-bom .
Cbildbed women . . .
Convulsion
Teeth
Wonns
Gout and sciatica . . .
Stone .'
Palsy .
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pox
Dropsy and tympany
Rickets and livergrown .
Headache and megrim .
Epilepsy and planet . .
Fever and ague . . .
Pleurisy
Quinsy
Executed, murdered,
drowned . . , .
Plague and spotted fever
Griping of the guts . .
Scouring, vomiting,
bleeding . . . .
Small pox
Measles
Neither of all the other
sorts
A POSTSCRIPT TO THE STATIONER
Whereas you complain that these observations
make no sufficient bulk, I could answer you that I
wish the bulk of all books were less ; but do never-
theless comply with you in adding what follows,
viz. :
1. That the parishes of Dublin are very unequal;
some having in them above 600 families, and others
under thirty.
2. That thirteen parishes are too few for 4,000
families ; the middling parishes of London con-
taining 120 families ; according to which rate there
should be about thirty-three parishes in Dublin.
3. It is said that there are 84,000 houses or
families in London, which is twenty-one times more
than are in Dublin, and yet the births and burials
of London are but twelve times those of Dublin,
which shows that the inhabitants of Dublin are
more crowded and straitened in their housing
than those of London ; and consequently that to
80 A POSTSCRIPT TO THE STATIONER.
increase the buildings of Dublin will make that
city more conformable to London.
4. I shall also add some reasons for altering the
present forms of the Dublin bills of mortality, ac-
cording to what hath been here recommended —
viz. :
1. We give the distinctions of males and females
in the births only ; for that the burials must, at one
time or another, be in the same proportion with
the births.
2. We do in the weekly and quarterly bills pro-
pose that notice be taken in the burials of what
numbers die above sixty and seventy, and what
under sixteen, six, and two years old, foreseeing
good uses to be made of that distinction.
3. We do in the yearly bill reduce the casualties
to about twenty-four, being such as may be dis-
cerned by common sense, and without art, con-
ceiving that more will but perplex and imbroil the
account And in the quai'terly bills we reduce the
diseases to three heads — viz., contagious, acute, and
chronical, applying this distinction to parishes, in
order to know how the different situation, soil, and
way of living in each parish doth dispose men to
each of the said three species ; and in the weekly
bills we take notice not only of the plague, but of
A POSTSCRIPT TO THE STATIONER. 81
the other contagious diseases in each parish, that
strangers and fearful persons may thereby know-
how to dispose of themselves.
4. We mention the number of the people, as the
fundamental term in all our proportions ; and with-
out which all the rest will be almost fruitless.
5. We mention the number of marriages made
in every quarter, and in every year, as also the
proportion which married persons bear to the
whole, expecting in such observations to read the
improvement of the nation.
6. As for religions, we reduce them to three —
viz. : (1) those who have the Pope of Rome for
their head ; (2) who are governed by the laws of
their country ; (3) those who rely respectively
upon their own private judgments. Now, whether
these distinctions should be taken notice of or not,
we do but faintly recommend, seeing many reasons
pro and con for the same ; and, therefore, although
we have mentioned it as a matter fit to be con-
sidered, yet we humbly leave it to authority.
TWO ESSAYS IN POLITICAL
ARITHMETIC,
Concerning the People, Housing, Hospitals^ dr., of
London and Paris.
TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT
MAJESTY.
I DO presume, in a very small paper, to show your
Majesty that your City of London seems more con-
sidei'able than the two best cities of the French
monarchy, and for aught T can find, greater than
any other of the universe, which because I can say
without flattery, and by such demonstration as
your Majesty can examine, I humbly pray your
Majesty to accept from
Your Majesty's
Most humble, loyal, and obedient suDject,
William Petty.
AN ESSAY IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC,
Tendhig to prove that London hath more people and
housing than the cities of Paris and Rouen put
togetlier, and is also more considerable in several
otlier respects.
1. The medium of the burials at London in the
three last years — viz., 1683, 1684, and 1685,
wherein there was no extraordinary sickness, and
wherein the christenings do correspond in their
ordinary proportions with the burials and christen-
ings of each year one with another, was 22,337,
and the like medium of burials for the three last
Paris bills we could procure — viz., for the years
1682, 1683, and 1684 (whereof the last as appears
by the christenings to have been very sickly), is
19,887.
2. The city of Bristol in England appears to be
by good estimate of its trade and customs as great
as Rouen in France, and the city of Dublin in.
Ireland appears to have more chimneys than
Bristol, and consequently more people, and the
88 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
burials in Dublin were, a.d. 1682 (being a sickly
year) but 2,263.
3. Now the burials of Paris (being 19,887) being
added to the burials of Dublin (supposed more
than at Rouen) being 2,263, makes but 22,150,
whereas the burials of London were 187 more, or
22,337, or as about 6 to 7.
4. If those who die unnecessarily, and by mis-
carriage in L'Hotel Dieu in Paris (being above
3,000), as hath been elsewhere shown, or any part
thereof should be subtracted out of the Paris
burials aforementioned, then our assertion will be
stronger, and more proportionable to what follows
concerning the housing of those cities, viz. :
5. There were burnt at London, a.d. 1666,
above 13,000 houses, which being but a fifth part
of the whole, the whole number of houses in the
said year were above 65,000 ; and whereas the
ordinary burials of London have increased between
the years 1666 and 1686, above one-third the total
of the houses at London, a.d. 1686, must be
about 87,000, which a.d. 1682, appeared by ac-
count to have been 84,000.
6. Monsieur Moreri, the great French author
of the late geographical dictionaries, who makes
Paris the greatest city in the world, doth reckon
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. iSif
but 50,000 houses in the same, and other authors
and knowing men much less; nor are there full
7,000 houses in the city of Dublin, so as if the
50,000 houses of Paris, and the 7,000 houses in
the city of Dublin were added together, the total
is but 57,000 houses, whereas those of London
are 87,000 as aforesaid, or as 6 to 9.
7. As for the shipping and foreign commerce of
London, the common sense of all men doth judge
it to be far greater than that of Paris and Rouen
put together.
8. As to the wealth and gain accruing to the
inhabitants of London and Paris by law-suits (or
La chicane) I only say that the courts of London
extend to all England and Wales, and affect seven
millions of people, whereas those of Paris do not
extend near so far. Moreover, there is no palpable
conspicuous argument at Paris for the number and
Avealth of lawyers like the buildings and chambers
in the two Temples, Lincoln's Inn, Gray's Inn,
Doctors' Commons, and the seven other inns in
which are chimneys, which are to be seen at
London, besides many lodgings, halls, and offices,
relating to the same.
9. As to the plentiful and easy living of the
people we say,
90 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AEITHMETIC.
(a.) That the people of Paris to those of London,
being as about 6 to 7, and the housing of the same
as about 6 to 9, we infer that the people do not
live at London so close and crowded as at Paris,
but can afford themselves more room and liberty.
(b. ) That at London the hospitals are better and
more desirable than those of Paris, for that in
the best at Paris there die two out of fifteen,
whereas at London there die out of the worst
scarce 2 out of 16, and yet but a fiftieth part of
the whole die out of the hospitals at London,
and two-fifths, or twenty times that proportion die
out of the Paris hospitals which are of the same
kind ; that is to say, the number of those at
London, who choose to lie sick in hospitals rather
than in their own houses, are to the like people of
Paris as one to twenty ; which shows the greater
])Overty or want of means in the people of Paris
than those of London.
(c.) We infer from the premises, viz., the dying
scarce two of sixteen out of the London hospitals,
and about two of fifteen in the best of Paris, to say
nothing of L'Hotel Dieu, that either the physicians
and chirurgeons of London are better than those of
Paris, or that the air of London is more wholesome.
10. As for the other great cities of the world, if
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 91
Paris were the greatest we need say no more iiL
behalf of London. As for Pekin in China, we
have no account fit to reason upon ; nor is there
anything in the description of the two late
voyages of the Chinese emperor from that city intO'
East and "West Tartary, in the years 1682 and
1683, which can make us recant what we have
said concerning London. As for Delhi and Agra,
belonging to the Mogul, we find nothing against
our position, but much to show the vast numbers
which attend that emperor in his business and
pleasures.
11. We shall conclude with Constantinople and
Grand Cairo ; as for Constantinople it hath been
said by one who endeavoured to show the greatness
of that city, and the greatness of the plague which
raged in it, that there died 1,500 per diem, with-
out other circumstances ; to which we answer, that
in the year 1665 there died in London 1,200 per
diem, and it hath been well proved that the Plague
of London never carried away above one-fifth of
the people, whereas it is commonly believed that
in Constantinople, and other eastern cities, and
even in Italy and Spain, that the plague takes
away two-fifths, one half, or more ; wherefore where
1,200 is but one-fifth of the people it is probable
92 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
that the number was greater, than wliere 1,500
was two-fifths or one half, &,c.
12. As for Grand Cairo it is rejx)rted, that
73,000 died in ten weeks, or 1,000 per diem,
where note, that at Grand Cairo the plague comes
and goes away suddenly, and that the plague takes
away two or three-fifths parts of the people as
aforesaid ; so as 73,000 was probably the number
of those that died of the plague in one whole year
at Grand Cairo, whereas at London, a.d. 1665,
97,000 were brought to account to have died in
that year. Wherefore it is certain, that that city
wherein 97,000 was but one-fifth of the people,
the number was greater than where 73,000 was
two-fifths or the half.
We therefore conclude, that London hath more
])eople, housing, shipping, and wealth, than Paris
and Rouen put together ; and for aught yet ap-
pears, is more considerable than any other city in
the universe, which was propounded to be proved.
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 93
AN ESSAY IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC,
Tending to prove that in tJie hospital called U Hotel
Dieu at Paris, there die above 3,000 per annum
by reason of ill accommodation.
\. It appears that a.d. 1678 there entered into
the Hospital of La Charite 2,647 souls, of which
there died there within the said year 338, which is
above an eighth part of the said 2,647 ; and that in
the same year there entered into L'H6tel Dieu
21,491, and that there died out of that number
5,630, which is above one quarter, so as about half
the said 5,630, being 2,815, seem to have died for
want of as good usage and accommodation as might
have been had at La Charite.
2. Moreover, in the year 1679 there entered
into La Charite 3,118, of which there died 452,
which is above a seventh part, and in the same
year there entered into L'Hotel Dieu 28,635, of
which there died 8,397 ; and in both the said
years 1678 and 1679 (being very different in their
degrees of mortality) there entered into L'Hotel
y-i ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
Dieu 28,635 and 21,491— in all 50,126, the medium
whereof is 25,063 ; and there died out of the same
in the said two years, 5,630 and 8,397 — in all
14,027, 4ihe medium whereof is 7,013.
3. There entered in the said years into La
Charite 2,647 and 3,118, in all 5,765, the medium
whereof is 2,882, whereof there died 338 and 452,
in all 790, the medium whereof is 395.
4. Now, if there died out of L'H6tel Dieu 7,013
per annum, and that the proportion of those that
died out of L'Hotel Dieu is double to those that
died out of La Charite (as by the above numbers it
appeai-s to be near thereabouts), then it follows
that half the said numbers of 7,013, being 3,506,
did not die by natural necessity, but by the evil
administration of that hospital.
5. This conclusion seemed at the first sight very
strange, and rather to be some mistake or chance
than a solid and real truth ; but considering the
same matter as it appeared at London, we were
more reconciled to the belief of it, viz. : —
(a.) In the Hospital of St. Bartholomew in
London, there was sent out and cured in the year
1685, 1,764 persons, and there died out of the
said hospital 252. Moreover, there were sent out
and cured out of St. Thomas's Hospital 1,523, and
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 95
buried, 209 — that is to say, there were cured in
both hospitals 3,287, and buried out of both hos-
pitals 461, and consequently cured and buried
3,748, of which number the 461 buried is less than
an eighth part; whereas at La Gharite the part
that died was more than an eighth part; which
shows that out of the most poor and wretched
hospitals of London there died fewer in proportion
than out of the best in Paris.
(b.) Furthermore, it hath been above shosvn that
there died out of La Gharite at a medium 395 per
annum, and 141 out of Les Licurables, making in
all 536 ; and that out of St. Bartholomew's and St.
Thomas's Hospitals, London, there died at a medium
but 461, of which Les Incurables are part; which
shows that although there be more people in
London than in Paris, yet there went at London
not so many people to hospitals as there did at
Paris, although the poorest hospitals at London
were better than the best at Paris; which shows
that the poorest people at London have better
accommodation in their own houses than the best
hospital of Paris affordeth.
6. Having proved that there die about 3,506
persons at Paris unnecessarily, to the damage of
France, we come next to compute the value of the
9b ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
said damage, and of the remedy thereof, as follows^
viz., the vahie of the said 3,506 at 60 livres sterling
per head, being about the value of Argier slaves
(which is less than the intrinsic value of people
at Paris), the whole loss of the subjects of France
in that hospital seems to be 60 times 3,506 livres
sterling per annum, viz., 210,360 livres sterling,
equivalent to about 2,524,320 French livres.
7. It hath appeared that there came inta
* L'Hotel Dieu at a medium 25,063 per annum,
or 2,089 per mensem, and that the whole stock
of what remained in the precedent months is at a
medium about 2,108 (as may appear by the third
line of the Table No. 5, which shall be shortly
published), viz., the medium of months is 2,410
for the sickly year 1679, whereunto 1,806 being
added as the medium of months for the year 1678,
makes 4,216, the medium whereof is the 2,108
above mentioned; which number being added to
the 2,089 which entered each month, makes 4,197
for the number of sick which are supposed to be
always in L'Hotel Dieu one time with another.
8. Now, if 60 French livres per annum for each
of the said 4,197 sick persons were added to the
present ordinary expense of that hospital (amount-
ing to an addition of 251,820 livres), it seems that
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 97
SO many lives might be saved as are woi-th above
ten times that ssuni, and this by doing a manifest
deed of charity to mankind.
Memoramluiii. — That a.d. 1685, the burials of
London were 23,222, and those of Amsterdam
6,245 ; from whence, and the difference of air, it
is probable that the peo])Ie of London are quad
ruple to those of Amsterdam.
^t/^^SK''
D— 142
OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CITIES
OF LONDON AND ROME.
OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CITIES OF
LONDON AND ROME.
1. That before the year 1630 the christenings
at London exceeded the burials of the same, but
about the year 1655 they were scarce half; and
now about two-thirds.
2. Before the restoration of monarchy in Eng-
land, A.D. 1660, the people of Paris were more
than those of London and Dublin put together,
whereas now, the people of London are more than
those of Paris and Rome, or of Paris and Rouen.
3. A.D. 1665 one fifth part of the then
people of London, or 97,000, died of the plague,
and in the next year, 1666, 13,000 houses, or one
fifth part of all the housing of London, were burnt
also.
4. At the birth of Christ old Rome was the
greatest city of the world, and London the greatest
at the coronation of King James II., and near six
times as great as the present Rome, wherein are
119,000 souls besides Jews.
102 OBSERVATIONS ON LONDON AND ROME.
5. In the years of King Charles II. 's death,
and King James II. 's coronation (which were
neither of them remarkable for extraordinary
sickliness or healthfulness) the burials did wonder-
fully agree, viz., a.d. 1684, they were 23,202,
and A.D. 1686, they were 23,222, the medium
whereof is 23,212. And the christenings did very
wonderfully agree also, having been A.D. 1684,
14,702, and a.d. 1685, 14,732, the medium
whereof is 14,716, which consistence was never
seen before, the said number of 23,212 burials
making the people of London to be 696,360, at the
rate of one dying per annum out of 30.
6. Since the great Fire of London, a.d. 1666,
about 7 parts of 15 of the present vast city hath
been new built, and is with its people increased
near one half, and become equal to Paris and
Rome put together, the one being the seat of
the great French Monarchy, and the other of the
Papacy.
FIVE ESSAYS IN POLITICAL
AEITHMETIC.
I. Objections from the city of Rey in Persia, and from Mon-
sier Anzout, against two former essays, answered, and
that London hath as many people as Paris, Rome, and
Rouen put together.
II. A comparison between London and Paris in 14 particulars.
III. Proofs that at London, within its 134 parishes named
in the bills of mortality, there live about 696,000 people.
IV. An estimate of the people in London, Paiis, Amsterdam,
Venice, Rome, Dublin, Bristol, and Rouen, with several
observations upon the same.
V. Concerning Holland and the rest of the Seven United Pro-
vinces.
TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT
MAJESTY
Sir,
Your Majesty having graciously accepted my
two late essays, about the cities and hospitals of
London and Paris, as also my observations on
Konie and Rouen ; I do (after six months' waiting
for what may be said against my several doctrines
by the able men of Europe) humbly present your
Majesty with a few other papers upon the same
subject, to strengthen, explain, and enlarge the
former ; hoping by such real arguments, better to
praise and magnify your Majesty, than by any
other the most specious words and eulogies that can
be imagined by
Your Majesty's
Most humble, loyal
And obedient subject,
William Petty.
THE FIRST ESSAY.
It could not be expected that an assertion of
London's being bigger than Paris and Rouen, or
than Paris and Rome put together, and bigger
than any city of the world, should escape uncon-
tradicted ; and 'tis also expected that I (if continu-
ing in the same persuasion), should make some
reply to those contradictions. In order where-
unto,
I begin with the ingenious author of the " i?e-
publique des LettreSj^ who saith that Rey in Persia
is far bigger than London, for that in the sixth
century of Christianity (I suppose, a.d. 550 the
middle of that century), it had 15,000, or rather
44,000 mosques or Mahometan temples ; to which
I reply, that I hope this objector is but in jest,
for that Mahomet was not born till about the
year 570, and had no mosques till about 50 years
after.
In the next place I reply to the excellent Mon-
sieur Auzout's " Letters from Rome," who is
content that London, Westminster, and Southwark
108 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AEITHMETIC.
may have as many people as Paris and its suburbs ;
and but faintly denieth, that all the housing
within the bills may have almost as many people
as Paris and R-ouen, but saith that several parishes
inserted into these bills are distant from, and
not contiguous with London, and that Grant so
understood it.
To which (as his main if not his only objection)
we answer: — (1) That the London bills appear in
Grant's book to have been always, since the year
1636, as they now are; (2) That about fifty years
since, three or four parishes, formerly somewhat
distant, were joined by interposed buildings to the
bulk of the city, and therefore then inserted into
the bills ; (3) That since fifty years the whole
buildings being more than double have perfected
that union, so as there is no house within the said
bills from which one may not call to some other
house ; (4) All this is confirmed by authority of
the king and city, and the custom of fifty years ;
(5) That there are but three parishes under any
colour of this exception which are scarce one-fifty-
second pai*t of the whole.
Upon the whole matter, upon sight of Monsieur
Auzout's large letter, dated the 19th of November,
from Rome, I made remarks upon every paragraph
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
109
thereof, but suppressing it (because it looked like
a war against a worthy person with whom I in-
tended none, whereas, in truth, it was but a re-
conciling explication of some doubts) I have chosen
the shorter and softer way of answering Monsieur
Auzout as followeth, viz. :—
Concerning the number of people in London, as
also in Paris, Rouen, and Rome, viz. : —
Monsieur Auzout allegeth an authentic
account that there are 23,223 houses in
Paris, wherein do live about eighty
thousand families, and therefore sup-
posing three and a half families to live
in every of the said houses, one with [-487,680
another, the number of families will be
81,280 ; and Monsier Auzout also allow-
ing six heads to each family, the utmost
number of people in Paris, according to
that opinion, will be ^
The medium of the Paris burials was '
not denied by Monsier Auzout to be
19,887, nor that there died 3,506 un-
necessarily out of the L'H6tel Dieu ;
wherefore deducting the said last number
out of the former, the net standard for
110
ESSAYS IN POLITICAIi ARITHMETIC.
burials at Paris will be 16,381, so, as the |
number of people there, allowing but one |
to die out of thirty (which is more
advantageous to Paris than Monsieur
Auzout's opinion of one to die out of
twenty-five) the number of people at
Paris will be 491,430 more than by
lilonsier Auzout's own last-mentioned
account.
491,430
And the medium of the said two Paris
accounts is
'\
488,055
696,360
Tlie medium of the London burials "l
is really 23,212, which, multiplied by
thirty (as hath been done for Paris), the
number of the people there will be
The number of houses at London ap- ^
pears by the register to be 105,315, where-
unto adding one-tenth part of the same,
or 10,331, as the least number of double
families that can be supposed in London, J- 695,076
the total of families will be 115,840, and
allowing six heads for each family, as
was done for Paris, the total of the
people at London will be
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC
The medium of the two last London
accounts is
So, as the people of Paris, ^
according to the above ac- 1488,055
count, is J
Of Kouen, according to ^
Monsieur Auzout's utmost I 80,000
demands J
111
695,718
693,055
Of Rome, according to his ^
own report thereof in a former 1 125,000
letter. J
So as there are more people at London 1
than at Paris, Rouen, and Rome by J
Memorandum. — That the parishes of 1
Islington, Newington, and Hackney, for j
which only there is any coloiu* of non- |
contiguity, is not one-fifty-second part of
what is contained in the bills of mortality,
and consequently London, without the
said three parishes, hath more people
than Paris and Rouen put together, by )
Which number of 114,284 is probably more
people than any other city of France contains.
1^114,284
112 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AEITHMETIC.
THE SECOND ESSAY.
As for other comparisons of London with Paris,
we farther repeat and enlarge what hath been
formerly said upon those matters, as followeth,
viz, : —
1. That forty per cent, die out of the hospitals
at Paris where so many die unnecessarily, and
scarce one-twentieth of that proportion out of the
hospitals of London, which have been shown to be
l^etter than the best of Paris.
2. That at Paris 81,280 kitchens are within less
than 24,000 street-doors, which makes less cleanly
and convenient way of living than at London.
3. Where the number of christenings are near
unto, or exceed the burials, the people are poorer,
having few servants and little equipage.
4. The river Thames is more pleasant and navi-
gable than the Seine, and its waters better and
more wholesome ; and the bridge of London is the
most considerable of all Europe.
5. The shipping and foreign trade of London is
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 113
incomparably greater than that at Paris and
Rouen.
6. The lawyers' chambers at London have 2,772
chimnies in them, and are worth £140,000 sterling,
or 3,000,000 of French livres, besides the dwellings
of their families elsewhere.
7. The ail' is more wholesome, for that at
London scarce two of sixteen die out of the worst
hospitals, but at Paris above two of fifteen out of
the best. Moreover the burials of Paris are one-
fifth part above and below the medium, but at
London not above one-twelfth, so as the intem-
peries of the air at Paris is far greater than at
London.
8. The fuel cheaper, and lies in less room,
the coals being a wholesome sulphurous bitu-
men.
9. All the most necessary sorts of victuals, and
of iish, are cheaper, and drinks of all sorts in
greater variety and plenty.
10. The churches of London we leave to be
judged by thinking that nothing at Paris is so
great as St. Paul's was, and is like to be, nor so
beautiful as Henry the Seventh's chapel.
11. On the other hand, it is probable, that there
is more money in Paris than London, if the public
114 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
revenue (grossly speaking, quadruple to that of
England) be lodged there.
1 2. Paris hath not been for these last fifty years
so much infested with the plague as London ; now
that at London the plague (which between the
years 1591 and 1G66 made five returns, viz., every
fifteen years, at a medium, and at each time carried
away one-fifth of the people) hath not been known
for the 21 years last past, and there is a visible
way by God's ordinary blessing to lessen the same
by two-thirds when it next appeareth.
13. As to the ground upon wliich Paris stands
in respect of London, we say, that if there be five
stories or floors of housing at Paris, for four at
London^ or in that proportion, then the 82,000
families of Paris stand upon the equivalent of
65,000 London housteds, and if there be 115,000
families at London, and but 82,000 at Paris, then
the proportion of the London ground to that of
Paris is as 115 to sixty-five, or as twenty-three to
thirteen.
14. Moreover Paris is said to be an oval of
three English miles long and two and a half broad,
the area whereof contains but five and a half square
miles ; but London is seven miles long, and one
and a quarter broad at a medium, which makes
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AEITHMETIC. 115
an area of near nine square miles, which proportion
of five and half to nine differs little from that of
thirteen to twenty-three.
15. Memorandum, that in Nero's time, as Mon-
sieur Chivreau reporteth, there died 300,000 people
of the plague in old Rome ; now if there died three
of ten then and there, being a hotter country, as
there dies two of ten at London, the number of
people at that time, was but a million, whereas at
London they are now about 700,000. Moreover
the ground within the walls of old Rome was a
circle but of- three miles diameter, whose area is
about seven square miles, and the suburbs scarce as
much more, in all about thirteen square miles,
whereas the built ground at London is about nine
square miles as aforesaid ; which two sorts of pro-
portions agree with each other, and consequently
old Rome seems but to have been half as big again
as the present London, which we offer to anti-
quaries.
116 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
THE THIRD ESSAY.
Proofs that the number of people in the 134
parishes of the London bills of mortality, without
reference to other cities, is about 696,000, viz. —
I know but three ways of finding the same.
1 . By the houses, and families, and heads living
in each.
2. By the number of burials in healthful times,
and by the proportion of those that live, to those
that die.
3. By the number of those who die of the plague
in pestilential years, in proportion to those that
escape.
The First Way,
To know the number of houses, I used three
methods, viz. —
1. The number of houses which were burnt a.d.
1666, which by authentic report was 13,200 ; next
what proportion the people who died out of those
houses, bore to the whole ; which I find a.d. 1686,
to be but one seventh part, but a.d. 1666 to be
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 117
almost one-iifth, from whence I infer the whole
housing of London a.d. 1666 to have been 66,000,
then finding the burials a.d. 1666 to be to those
of 1686 as 3 to 4, I pitch upon 88,000 to be the
number of housing a.d. 1686.
2. Those who have been employed in making the
general map of London, set forth in the year 1682,
told me that in that year they had found above
84,000 houses to be in London, wherefore a.d.
1686, or in four years more, there might be one-
tenth or 8,400 houses more (London doubling in
forty years) so as the whole, a.d. 1686 might be
92,400.
3. I found that a.d. 1685, there were 29,325
hearths in Dublin, and 6,400 houses, and in London
388 thousand hearths, whereby there must have
been at that rate 87,000 houses in London. More-
over I found that in Bristol there were in the same
year 16,752 hearths, and 5,307 houses, and in
London 388,000 hearths as aforesaid ; at which rate
there must have been 123,000 houses in London,
and at a medium between Dublin and Bristol pro-
portions 105,000 houses.
Lastly, by certificate from the hearth office, I
find the houses within the bills of mortality to be
105,315.
118 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
Having thus found the houses, I proceed next to
the number of families in them, and first I thought
that if there were three or four families or kitchens
in every house of Paris, there might be two families
in one-tenth of the housing of London ; unto which
supposition, the common opinion of sevei-al friends
doth concur with my own conjectures.
As to the number of heads in each family, I stick
to Grant's observation in page — of his fifth edition,
that in tradesmen of London's families there be
eight heads one with another, in families of higher
ranks, above ten, and in the poorest near five, ac-
cording to which proportions, I had upon another
occasion pitched the medium of heads in all the
families of England to be six and one-third, but
quitting the fraction in this case, I agree with
Monsieur Auzout for six.
To conclude, the houses of London being 105,315
and the addition of double families 10,531 more, in
all 115,846; I multiplied the same by six, which
produced 695,076 for the number of the people.
The Second Way.
1 found that the years 1684 and 1685, being
next each other, and both healthful, did wonder-
fully agree in their burials, viz., 1684 they were
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 119
23,202, and a.d. 1685 23,222, the medium where-
of is 23,212 ; moreover that the christenings 1684
were 14,702, and those A.D. 1685 were 14,730,
wherefore I multiplied the medium of burials
23,212 by 30, supposing that one dies out of 30 at
London, which made the number of people 696,360
souls.
Now to prove that one dies out of 30 at London
or thereabouts, I say —
1. That Grant in the — page of his fifth edition,
affirmeth from observation, that 3 died of 88 per
annum which is near the same proportion.
2. I found that out of healthful places, and out
of adult persons, there dies much fewer, as but one
out of 50 among our parliament men, and that
the kings of England having reigned 24 years
one with another, probably lived above 30 years
each.
3. Grant, page — hath shown that but about one
of 20 die per annum out of young children under
10 years old, and Monsieur Auzout thinks that but
1 of 40 die at Rome, out of the greater proportion
of adult persons there, wherefore we still stick as a
medium to the number 30.
4. In nine country parishes lying in several
parts of England, I find that but one of 37 hath
120 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
died per annum, or 311 out of ] 1,507, wherefore
till I see another round number, grounded upon
many observations, nearer than 30, I hope '.to have
done pretty well in multiplying our burials by 30 to
find the number of the people, the product being
696,360, and what we find by the families they
are 695,076, as aforesaid.
The 2%vrd Way.
It was proved by Grant, that one-fifth of the
people died of the plague, but a.d. 1665 there
died of the plague near 98,000 persons, the
quintuple whereof is 490,000 as the number of
people in the year 1665, whereunto adding above
one-thii"d, as the increase between 1665 and 1686,
the total is 653,000, agreeing well enough with the
other two computations above mentioned.
Wherefore let the proportion of 1 to 30 continue
till a better be put in its place.
Memorandum. That two or thi-ee hundred new
houses would make a contiguity of two or three
other great parishes, with the 134 already men-
tioned in the bills of mortality : and that an oval
wall of about twenty miles in compass would enclose
the same, and all the shipping at Deptford and
Black wall, and would also fence in 20,000 acres of
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 121
land, and lay the foundation or designation of
several vast advantages to the owners, and inhabi-
tants of that ground, as also to the whole nation
and government.
122 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
THE FOURTH ESSAY.
Concerning the proportions of People in the eiglU
eminent Cities of Christendom undernamed^
viz. : —
1. We have by the number of burials in healthful
years, and by the proportion of the living to those
who die yearly, as also by the number of houses
and families within the 134 parishes called
London, and the estimate of the heads in each,
pitched upon the number of people in that city to
be at a medium 695,718.
2. We have, by allowing that at Pai-is above
80,000 famUies, viz., 81,280, do live in 23,223
houses, 32 palaces, and 38 colleges, or that there
are 81,280 kitchens within less than 24,000 street
doors ; as also by allowing 30 heads for every one
that died necessarily there ; we have pitched upon
the number of people there at a medium to be
488,055, nor have we restrained them to 300,000,
by allowing with Monsieur Auzout 6 heads for
each of Moreri's 50,000 houses or families.
3. To Amsterdam we allow 187,350 souls, viz..
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 123
30 times the number of their burials, which were
6,245 in the year 1685.
4. To Venice we allow 134,000 souls, as found
there in a special account taken by authority,
about ten years since, when the city abounded
with such as returned from Candia, then suiren-
dered to the Turks.
5. To Rome we allow 119,000 Christians, and
6,000 Jews, in all 125,000 souls, according to an
account sent thither of the same by Monsieur
Auzout.
6. To Dublin we allow (as to Amsterdam) 30
times its burials, the medium whereof for the last
two years is 2,303, viz., 69,090 souls.
7. As to Bristol, we say that if the 6,400
houses of Dublin give 69,090 people, that the
5,307 houses of Bristol must give above 56,000
people. Moreover, if the 29,325 hearths of
Dublin give 69,090 people, the 16,752 hearths of
Bristol must give about 40,000 ; but the medium
of 56,000 and 40,000 is 48,000.
8. As for Rouen, we have no help, but Monsieur
Auzout's fancy of 80,000 souls to be in that city,
and the conjecture of knowing men that Rouen is
between the one-seventh and one-eighth part of
Paris, and also that it is by a third bigger than
124
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
Bristol; by all which, we estimate, till farther
light, that Rouen hath at most but 66,000 people
in it.
Now it may be wondered why we mentioned
Rouen at all, having had so little knowledge of it ;
whereunto we answer, that we did not think it just
to compare London with Paris, as to shipping and
foreign trade, without adding Rouen thereunto,
Rouen being to Paris as that part of London which
is below the bridge, is to what is above it.
All which we heartily submit to the correc-
tion of the curious and candid, in the meantime ob-
serving according to the gross numbers under-
mentioned.
London .
.•
696,000
Paris
488,000
J
Amsterdam
187,000
1
Venice
134,000
1
Rome
125,000
1
Dublin .
69,000
Bristol
48,000
Rouen
66,000
Observations
(yii the said
Eiyht Cities,
1. That the people of Paris being
•
488,000
5> >l >' >>
Rome
.
125,000
?> }> >> >»
Rouen
•
'
•
66,000
do make in all but .
or 17,000 less than the 696,000 of London alone.
679,000
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 125
2. That the people of the two English cities and
emporiums — viz., of London, 696,000, and Bristol,
48,000— do make 744,000, or more than
In Paris 488,000
„ Amsterdam .... 187,090
„ Rouen 66,000
Being in all . . . 741,000
3. That the same two English cities seem equi-
valent
To Paris, which hath 488,000 souls.
„ Rouen „ „ 66,000 „
„ Lyons „ „ 100,000 „
„ Toulouse „ 90,000 „
In all . . 744,000
If there be any error in these conjectures con-
cerning these cities of France, we hope they will be
mended by those whom we hear to be now at work
upon that matter.
4. That the King of England's three cities, viz. :
London . 696,000 ) ( Paris . . 488,000
Dublin . 69,000 \ exceed \ Amsterdam . 187,000
Bristol ,. 48,000 ) V Venice . . 134,000
In all 813,000 Being but 809,000
5. That of the four great emporiums, London,
Amsterdam, Venice, and Rouen, London alone
126 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
is near double to the other tliree, viz., above
7 to 4.
Amsterdam 187,000 )
Venice . 134,000 > 387,000
Rouen . 66,000 ' 2
774,000 London 696,000
6. That London, for aught appears, is the
greatest and most considerable city of the world,
but manifestly the greatest emporium.
When these assertions have passed the examen
of the critics, we shall make another essay, showing
how to apply those truths to the honour and profit
of the King and Kingdom of England.
d
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 127
THE FIFTH ESSAY.
Concerning Holland and the rest of the United
Provinces.
Since the close of this paper, it hath been objected
from Holland, that what hath been said of the
number of houses and people in London is not like
to be true ; for that if it were, then London would
be the two-thirds of the whole Province of Holland.
To which is answered, that London is the two-
thirds of all Holland, and more, that province
having not 1,044,000 inhabitants (whereof 696,000
is the two-thirds), nor above 800,000, as we have
credibly and often heard. For suppose Amster-
dam hath — as we have elsewhere noted — 187,000,
the seven next great cities at 30,000 each, one with
another, 210,000, the ten next at 15,000 each
150,000, the ten smallest at 6,000 each 60,000— in
all, the twenty-eight walled cities and towns of Hol-
land 607,000 ; in the dorps and villages 193,000,
which is about one head for every four acres of land ;
whereas in England there is eight acres for every
head, without the cities and market-towns.
128 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
Now, suppose London, having 116,000 families,
should have seven heads in each — the medium
between MM. Auzout's and Grant's reckonings —
the total of the people would be 812,000 ; or if we
reckon that there dies one out of thii'ty-four — the
medium between thirty and thirty-seven above men-
tioned— the total of the people would be thirty-four
times 23,212, viz., 789,208, the medium between
which number and the above 812,000 is 800,604,
somewhat exceeding 800,000, the supposed number
of Holland.
Furthermore, I say that upon former searches
into the peopling of the world, I never found that
in aiiij country — not in China itself — there was
more than one man to every English acre of land :
many teri'itories i)assing for well-peopled where
there is but one man for ten such acres. I found
by measuring Holland and West Frisia (alias
North Holland) uix)n the best maps, that it con-
tained but as many such acres as London doth of
people, viz., about 696,000 acres. I therefore ventnre
to pronounce (till better informed) that the people
of London are as many as those of Holland, or at
least above two-thirds of the same, which is enough
to disable the objection above mentioned ; nor is
there any need to strain Hp London from 696,000
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 129
to 800,000, though competent reasons have been
given to that purpose, and though the author of
the excellent map of London, set forth a.d. 1682,
reckoned the people thereof (as by the said map
appears) to be 1,200,000, even when he thought
the houses of the same to be but 85,000.
The worthy person who makes this objection
in the same letter also saith —
1. That the province of Holland hath as many
people as the other six united provinces together,
and as the whole kingdom of England, and double
to the city of Paris and its suburbs ; that is to say,
2,000,000 souls. 2. He says that in London and
Amsterdam, and other trading cities, there are
ten heads to every family, and that in Amsterdam
there are not 22,000 families. 3. He excepteth
against the register alleged by Monsieur Auzout,
which makes 23,223 houses and above 80,000
families to be in Paris ; as also against the register
alleged by Petty, making 105,315 houses to be in
London, with a tenth part of the same to be of
families more than houses ; and probably will
except against the register of 1,163 houses to be
in all England, that number giving, at six and one-
third heads to each family, about 7,000,000 people,
upon all which we remark as follows, viz. .• —
E— 142
130 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.
1. That if Paris doth contain but 488,000 souls,
that then all Holland containeth but the double of
that number, or 976,000, wherefore London, con-
taining 696,000 souls, hath above two-thirds of all
Holland by 46,000.
2. If Paris containeth half as many people as
there are in all England, it must contain 3,500,000
souls, or above seven times 488,000 ; and because
there do not die 20,000 per annum out of Paris,
there must die but one out of 175 ; whereas Mon-
sieur Auzout thinks that there dies one out of 25,
and there must live 149 heads in every house of
Paris mentioned in the register, but there must be
scarce two heads in every house of England, all
which we think fit to be reconsidered.
I must, as an Englishman, take notice of one
point more, which is, that these assertions do
reflect upon the empire of England, for that it
is said that England hath but 2,000,000 in-
habitants, and it might as well have been added,
that Scotland and Ireland, with the Islands of
Man, Jersey, and Guernsey, have but two-fifths of
the same number, or 800,000 more, or that all the
King of England's subjects in Europe are but
2,800,000 souls, whereas he saitli that the sub-
jects of the seven united provinces ai'e 4,000,000.
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC. 131
To which we answer that the subjects of the said
seven provinces are, by this objector's own show-
ing, but the quadruple of Paris, or 1,932,000 souls,
Paris containing but 488,000, as afore hath been
proved, and we do here affirm that England hath
7,000,000 people, and that Scotland, Ireland,
with the Islands of Man, Jersey, and Guernsey,
hath two-fifths of the said number, . or 2,800,000
more, in all 9,800,000 ; whereas by the objector's
doctrine, if the seven provinces have 1,932,000
people, the King of England's territories should
have but seven-tenths of the same number, viz.,
1,351,000, whereas we say 9,800,000, as aforesaid,
which difference is so gross as that it deserves to
be thus reflected upon.
To conclude, we expect from the concerned
critics of the world that they would prove —
1. That Holland, and West Frisia, and the
twenty-eight towns and cities thereof, hath more
people than London alone.
2. That any three of the best cities of France,
any two of all Christendom, or any one of the
world, hath the same, or better housing, and more
foreign trade than London, even in the year that
King James the Second came to the empire
thereof.
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGIiAND.
Founded wpon the Calculations
of Gregory King, Lancaster Herald^
and forming part of
" An, Essay upon the Prohahle Methods
of making a Peo])le gainers
in the Balance of Traded''
Published in 1699.
L
OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
The writer of these papers has seen the natural
and political observations and conclusions upon the
state and condition of England by Gregory King,
Esq., Lancaster Herald, in manuscript. The cal-
culations therein contained are very accurate, and
more perhaps to be relied upon than anything that
has been ever done of the like kind. This skilful
and laborious gentleman has taken the right course
to form his several schemes about the numbers of
the people, for besides many different ways of
working, he has very carefully inspected the poll-
books, and the distinctions made by those acts,
and the produce in many of the respective polls,
going everywhere by reasonable and discreet me-
diums : besides which pains, he has made observa-
tions of the very facts in particular towns and places,
from which he has been able to judge and conclude
more safely of others, so that he seems to have
looked further into this mystery than any other
person.
With his permission, we shall offer to the public
136 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
such of his computations as may be of use, and en-
lighten in the matter before us.
He lays down that if the first peopling of
England was by a colony or colonies, consisting
of a number between 100 and 1,000 people
(which seems probable), such colony or colonies
might be brought' over between the year of the
world 2400 and 2600, viz., about 800 or 900
years after the Flood, and 1,400 or 1,500 years
before the birth of Christ, at which time the
world might have about 1,000,000 families, and
4,000,000 or 5,000,000 people.
From which hypothesis it will follow by an
orderly series of increase —
That when the Romans invaded England fifty-
three years before Christ's time, the kingdom
might have about 360,000 people, and at Christ's
birth about 400,000.
That at the Norman Conquest, a.d. 1066, the
kingdom might contain somewhat above 2,000,000.
That A.D. 1260, or about 200 years after the
Norman Conquest, it might contain about *2, 7 5 0,000
people, or half the present number : so that the
people of England may have doubled in about 435
years last past.
That in all probability the next doubling will be
OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
137
in about 600 years to come, viz., by the year 2300,
at which time it may have about 11,000,000 people,
and the kingdom containing about 39,000,000 of
acres, there will be then about three acres and
a half per head.
That the increase of the kingdom for every
hundred years of the last preceding term of
doubling, and the subsequent terra of doubling,
may have been and in all probability may be, ac-
cording to the following scheme : —
Auno
Number of
Increase every
Domiui.
people.
hundred years.
1300
2,860,000
440,000.
1400
3,300,000
540,000.
1500
3,840,000
780,000.
1600
4,620,000
880,000.
1700
5,500,000
920,000.
1800
6,420,000
930,000.
1900
7,350,000
930,000.
2000
8,280,000
925,000.
2100
9,205,000
910,000.
2200
10,115,000
885,000.
2300
11,000,000
133
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
Whereby it may appear that the increase of the
kingdom being 880,000 people in tlie last hundred
years, and 920,000 in the next succeeding hundred
years, the annual increase at this time may bo
about 9,000 souls per annum.
But whereas the yearly births of the king- ^
. dom are about 1 in 28 "Oo, or (
And the yearly burials 1 in 32 'So or . . .
WTiereby the yearly increase would be . .
It is to be noted — Per ann.
1. That the allowance for plagues j
and great mortalities may come |- 4,000
to at a medium J
2. Foreign or civil wars at a me-
dium
3. The sea constantly employing i
about 40,000, may prccipitiite the 2,500
death of about J
4. The plantations (over and above ^
the accession of foreigners) may 1 1,000
cai-ry away J )
Whereby the net annual increase may be \
but J
190,000 souls.
170,000 souls.
20,000 sou
3,500
11,000 per
annum.
9,000 souls.
That of these 20,000 souls, which would be the
annual increase of the kingdom by procreation,
were it not for the before-mentioned abatements.
The country increases annually by pro- 1
creation J > P j 20.OOO soul,.
The cities and towns, exclusive of London,
by procreation
}^-
000 souls.
OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAl^D. 139
But London and the bills of mortality de- "i ^ ^„^ ,
,, ^ \ 2,000 souls,
crease annually J
So that London requires a supply of 2,000 souls
per annum to keep it from decreasing, besides a
further supply of about 3,000 per annum for its
increase at this time. In all 5,000, or above a
half of the kingdom's net increase.
Mr. King further observes that by the assessments
on marriages, births, and burials, and the collectors'
returns thereupon, and by the parish registers, it
appears that the proportions of marriages, births,
' and burials are according to the following scheme :
Vide Scheme A.
Whence it may be observed that in 10,000 co-
existing persons there are 71 or 72 marriages in
the country, producing 343 children ; 78 marriages
in towns producing 351 children; -91 marriages in
London, producing 376 children.
Whereby it follows —
L That though each marriage in London pro-
duces fewer people than in the country, yet London
in general having a greater proportion of breeders,
B is more prolific than the other great towns, and the
■ great towns are more prolific than the country.
140
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
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OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 141
as long-lived as those in the country, London would
increase in people much faster pro rata than the
country.
3. That the reasons why each marriage in London
produces fewer children than the country marriages
seem to be —
(1) From the more frequent fornications and
adulteries.
(2) From a greater luxury and intemperance.
(3) From a greater intentness on business.
(4) From the unhealthfulness of the coal smoke.
(5) From a greater inequality of age between
the husbands and wives.
(6) From the husbands and wives not living so
long as in the country.
He further observes, accounting the people to
be 5,500,000, that the said five millions and ajhalf
(including the transitory people and vagraSits)
appear by the assessments on marriages, births, and
burials, to bear the following proportions in rela-
tion to males and females, and other distinctions of
the people, viz. : —
Vide Scheme B.
So that the number of communicants is in all
3,260,000 souls ; and the number of fighting men
between sixteen and sixty is 1,308,000.
142
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
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OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
143
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H
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 145
That the bachelors are about 28 per cent, of the
whole, whereof those under twenty-five years are
25 J per cent., and those above twenty-five years
are 2 J per cent.
That the maidens are about 28J per cent, of the
whole.
Whereof those under 25 years are 26 J per
cent.
And those above 25 years are 2 per cent.
That the males and females in the kingdom in
general are aged, one with another, 27 years and a
half.
That in the kingdom in general there is near
as many people living under 20 years of age as
there is above 20, whereof half of the males are
under 19, and one half of the females are imder
21 years.
That the ages of the people, according to their
several distinctions, are as follows, viz. : —
Vide Scheme 0.
Having thus stated the numbers of the 2:)eople,
he gives a scheme of the income and expense of
the several families of England, calculated for the
year 1688.
H6
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
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05* THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 147
Vide Scheme D.
Mr. King's modesty has been so far overruled
as to suffer us to communicate these his excellent
computations, which we can the more safely com-
mend, having examined them very carefully, tried
them by some little operations of our own upon
the same subject, and compared them with the
schemes of other persons, who take pleasure in the
like studies.
What he says concerning the number of the
people to be 5,500,000 is no positive assertion,
nor shall we pretend anywhere to determine in
that matter ; what he lays down is by way of
hypothesis, that supposing the inhabitants of
England to have been, a.d. 1300, 2,860,000
heads, by the orderly series of increase allowed
of by all writers they may probably be about a.d.
1700, 5,500,000 heads; but if they were a.d.
1300 either less or more, the case must propor-
tionably alter ; for as to his allowances for plagues,
great mortalities, civil wars, the sea, and the
plantations, they seem very reasonable, and not
well to be controverted.
Upon these schemes of Mr. King we shall
make several remarks, though the text deserves
much a better comment.
148
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
SCHEME D.— A SCHEME OF THE INCOME AND
ENGLAND, CALCULATED
Number
of
Families.
160
26
800
600
3,000
12,000
5,000
5,000
2,000
8,000
10,000
2,000
8,000
40,000
120,000
150,000
15,000
50,000
60,000
5,000
4,000
Banks, Degrees, Titles, and
Qualifications.
Heads
per
Family.
Temporal Lords 40
Spiritual Lords 20
Baronets 16
13
10
8
8
6
8
Knights
Esquires
Gentlemen
Persons in greater offices and places .
Persons in lesser offices and places
Eminent merchants and traders by sea
Lesser merchants and traders by sea .
Persons in the law
Eminent clergjTnen ,
7
6
Lesser clergymen ...15
Freeholders of the better sort
Freeholders of the lesser sort . .
Farmers
Persons in liberal arts and sciences
Shopkeepers and tradesmen . . .
Artisans and handicrafts . . . .
Naval officers
Military officers
500,586
50,000 Common seamen
364,000 Labouring people and out-servants
400,000 Cottagers and paupers
35,000 Common soldiers
7
5
5
^
4
4
4
6i
3
3^
3^
2
849,000
Vagrants, as gipsies, thieves, beggars, &c.
H
500,586
849,000
Increasing the wealth of the kingdom
Decreasing the wealth of the kingdom
1.349,686
Net totals 4^^.
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
149
EXPENSE OF THE SEVERAL FAMILIES OF
FOR THE YEAR 1688.
Number
incoir''
Yearly
^is
Yearly
Yearly
Yearly In-
of
.«
Income in go'*!
Expense
Increase
crease in
Persons.
per
Family.
general. >^^~,
pr.Head.
pr.Head.
general.
£
s.
£ ; £ s.
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
6,400
3,200
0
512,000 80 0
70
0 0
10
0 0
64,000
520
1,300
0 33,800 65 0
45
0 0 20
0 0
10,400
12,800
880
0
704,00055 0
49
0 0 6
0 0
76,800
7,800
650
0
390,000 50 0
45
0 0 5
0 0
39,000
30,000
450
0
1,200,000,45 0
41
0 0
4
0 0
120,000
96,000
280
0
2,880,00035 0
32
0 0
3
0 0
288,000
40,000
240
0
1,200,00030 0
26
0 0
4
0 0
160,000
30,000
120
0
600,00020 0
17
0 0
3
0 0
90,000
16,000
400
0
800,00050 0
37
0 0
13
0 0
208,000
48,000
198
0
1,600,000,33 027
0 0
6
0 0
288,000
70,000
154
0
1,540,000,22 0!l8
0 0
4
0 0
280,000
12,000
72
0
144,000|12 0|l0
0 0
2
0 0
24,000
40,000
50
0
400,00010 0
9
4 Oj 0
16 0
32,000
280,000
91
0
3,640,000!l3 0
11
15 Oj 1
6 0
350,000
600,000
55
0
6,600,000 10 0
9
10 0
0
10 0
330,000
750,000
42
10
6,375,000 8 10
•8
5 0
0
5 0
187,500
75,000
60
0
900,000 12 0
11
0 0
1
0 0
75,000
225,000
45
0
2,250,00010 0
9
0 0
1
0 0
225,000
240,000
38
0
2,280,000 9 10
9
0 0
0
10 0
120,000
20,000
80
0
400,000,20 018
0 0
2
0 0
40,000
16,000
60
0
240,000
15 0,14
0 0
1
0 0
16,000
2,675,520
68
18|34,488,800
12 18
11
15 4
1
2 8
3,023,700
1
Decrease.
Decrease.
150,000
20
0
1,000,000
7 0
i
10 Oj 0
10 0
75,000
1,275,000
15
0
5,460,000
4 10
4
12 0
0
2 0
127,500
1,300,000
6
10
2,000,000
2 0
2
5 0
•0
5 0
325,000
70,000
14
0
490,000
7 0
7
10 0
0
10 0
35,000
2,795,000
10
To
8,950,000
3 6
T
9 0
"o"
4 0
562,500
30,000
1 60,000
2 0
4
0 0
2
0 0
60,000
So tlie (
jreneral Account is
2,675,520
68
18134,488,800
12 18
11
15 4
1
2 8
3,023,700
2,825,000
10
lOJ 9,010,000
3 31 3
7 6
«
4 6
622,500
6,500,520
32
5 43,491,800. 7 18 7
9 31 0
8 9
2,401,200
1'}0 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
The people being the first matter of power and
wealth, by whose labour and industry a nation
must be gainers in the balance, their increase or
decrease must be carefully observed by any govern-
ment that designs to thrive ; that is, their increase
must be promoted by good conduct and wholesome
laws, and if they have been decreased by war, or
any other accident, the breach is to be made up
as soon as possible, for it is a maim in the body
politic affecting all its parts.
Almost all countries in the world have been
more or less populous, as liberty and property
have been there well or ill secured. The first
constitution of Rome was no ill-founded govern-
ment, a kingly power limited by laws; and the
people increased so fast, that, from a small begin-
ning, in the reign of their sixth king they were
able to send out an army of 80,000 men. And in
the time of the commonwealth, in that invasion
which the Gauls made upon Italy, not long before
Hannibal came thither, they were grown so
numerous, as that their troops consisted of 700,000
foot and 70,000 horse; it is true their allies were
comprehended in this number, but the ordinary
people fit to bear arms being mustered in Rome
OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 151
and Campania, amounted to 250,000 foot and
23,000 horse.
Nothing, therefore, can more contribute to the
rendering England populous and strong than to
have liberty upon a right footing, and our legal con-
stitution iirmly preserved. A nation may be as
well called free under a limited kingship as in a
commonwealth, and it is to this good form of our
government that we partly owe that doubling
of the people which has probably happened here
in the 435 years last past. And if the ambition
of some, and the mercenary temper of others,
should bring us at any time to alter our constitu-
tion, and to give up our ancient rights, we shall
find our numbers diminish visibly and fast. For
liberty encourages procreation, and not only keeps
our own inhabitants among us, but invites
strangers to come and live under the shelter of our
laws.
The Romans, indeed, made use of an adventitious
help to enlarge their city, which was by incor-
porating foreign cities and nations into their
commonwealth ; but this way is not without its
mischiefs. For the strangers in Rome by degrees
had gi-own so numerous, and to have so great a
vote in the councils, that the whole Government
1$2 OP THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
began to totter, and decline from its old to its
new inhabitants, which Fabius the censor observ-
ing, he applied a remedy in time by reducing
all the new citizens into four tribes, that being
contracted into so narrow a space, they might
not have so malignant an influence upon the
city.
An Act of general naturalisation would likewise
probably increase our numbers very fast, and
repair what loss we may have suffered in our
people by the late war. It is a matter that has
been very warmly contended for by many good
patriots; but peradventure it carries also its
danger with it, which perhaps would have the less
influence by this expedient, namely, if an Act of
Parliament were made, that no heads of families
hereafter to be naturalised for the first generation,
should have votes in any of our elections. But as
the case stands, it seems against the nature of
right government that strangera (who may be
spies, and who may have an interest opposite to
that of England) and who at best ever join in one
link of obsequiousness to the Ministers) should
be suffered to intermeddle in that important
business of sending members to Parliament. From
their sons indeed there is less to fear, who by
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 153
birth and nature may come to have the same
interest and inclinations as the natives.
And though the expedient of Fabius Maximus,
to contract the strangers into four tribes, might be
reasonable where the affairs of a whole empire
were transacted by magistrates chosen in one city,
yet the same policy may not hold good in England ;
foreigners cannot influence elections here by being
dispersed about in the several counties of the
kingdom, where they can never come to have any
considerable strength. But some time or other
they may endanger the government by being
suffered to remain, such vast numbers of them
here in London where they inhabit altogether,
at least 30,000 persons in two quarters of the
town, without intermarrying with the English, or
learning our language, by which means for several
years to come they are in a way still to continue
foreigners, and perhaps may have a foreign interest
and foreign inclinations ; to permit this cannot be
advisable or safe. It may therefore be proper to
limit any new Acts of naturalisation with such
restrictions as may m'ake the accession of strangers
not dangerous to the public.
An accession of strangers, well regulated, may
add to our strength and numbers; but then it
154 OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
must be composed, of labouring men, artificers,
merchants, and other rich men, and not of foreign
soldiers, since such fright and drive away from a
nation more people than their troops can well
consist of : for if it has been ever seen that men
abound most where there is most freedom (China
excepted, whose climate excels all others, and
where the exercise of the tyranny is mild and
easy) it must follow that people will in time
desert those countries whose best flower is their
liberties, if those liberties are thought precarious
or in danger. That foreign soldiers are dangerous
to liberty, we may produce examples from all
countries and all ages; but we shall instance
only one, because it is eminent above all the rest.
The Carthaginians, in their wars, did very much
use mercenary and foreign troops ; and when
the peace was made between them and the
Romans, after a long dispute for the dominion
of Sicily, they brought their army home to be
paid and disbanded, which Gesco, their General,
had the charge of embarking, who did order all
his part with great dexterity and wisdom. But
the State of Carthage wanting money to clear
arrears, and satisfy the troops, was forced to keep
them up longer than was designed. The army
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 155
consisted of Gauls, Ligurians, Baleareans, and
Greeks. At tii-st they were insolent in their
quarters in Carthage, and were prevailed upon to
remove to Sicca, where they were to remain and
expect their pay. There they grew presently
corrupted witli ease and pleasure, and fell into
mutinies and disorder, and to making extravagant
demands of pay and gratuities ; and in a rage,
with their arms in their hands, they marched
20,000 of them towards Carthage, encamping
within fifteen piiles of the city ; and chose
Spendius and Matho, two profligate wretches,
for their leaders, and imprisoned Gesco, who was
deputed to them from the commonwealth. After-
wards they caused almost all the Africans, their
tributaries, to revolt ; they grew in a short time
to be 70,000 strong ; they fought several battles
with Hanno and Hamilcar Barcas. During these
transactions, the mercenaries that were in garrison
in Sardinia mutinied likewise, murdering their
commander and all the Carthaginians ; while
Spendius and Matho, to render their accomplices
more desperate, put Gesco to a cruel death, pre-
suming afterwards to lay siege to Carthage itself.
They met with a shock indeed at Prion, where
40,000 of them were slaughtered ; but soon after
156 OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
this battle, in another they took one of the
Carthaginian generals prisoner, whom they fixed
to a cross, crucifying thirty of the principal
senators round about him. Spendius and Matho
were at last taken, the one crucified and the other
tormented to death : but the war lasted thi*ee
years and near four months with excessive cruelty ;
in which the State of Carthage lost several battles,
and was often brought within a hair's-breadth of
utter ruin.
If so great a commonwealth as Carthage, though
assisted at that time by Hiero, King of Syracuse,
and by the Romans, ran the hazard of losing their
empire, city, and liberties, by the insurrection of a
handful of mercenaries, whose first strength was
but 20,000 men; it should be a warning to all
free nations how they sufier armies so composed
to be among them, and it should frighten a wise
State from desiring such an increase of people as
may be had by the bringing over foreign soldiers.
Indeed, all armies whatsoever, if they are over-
large, tend to the dispeopling of a country, of which
our neighbour nation is a sufficient proof, whei\
in one of the best climates in Europe men are
wanting to till the ground. For children do not
proceed from the intemperate pleasures taken
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 157
loosely and at random, but from a regular way
of living, where the father of the family desires
to rear up and provide for the offspring he shall
bec(et.
Securing the liberties of a nation may be laid
down as a fundamental for increasing the numbers
of its people; but there are other polities there-
unto conducing which no wise State has ever
neglected.
No race of men did multiply so fast as the Jews,
which may be attributed chiefly to the wisdom of
Moses their Lawgiver, in contriving to promote
the state of marriage.
( The Romans had the same care, paying no
respect to a man childless by his own fault, and
giving great immunities and privileges, both in
the city and provinces, to those who had such
and such a number of children. Encouragements
of the like kind are also given in France to such
as enrich the commonwealth by a large issue.
But we in England have taken another course,
laying a tine upon the marriage bed, which seems
small to those who only contemplate the pomp and
wealth round about them, and in their view ; but
they who look into all. the different ranks of men
are well satisfied that this duty on marriages and
158 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
births is a very grievous burden upon the poorer
sort, whose numbers compose the strength and
wealth of any nation. This tax Avas introduced
by the necessity of affairs. It is difficult to say
what may be the event of a new thing ; but if we
are to take measures from past wisdom, which
exempted prolific families from public duties, we
should not lay impositions upon those who find
it hard enough to maintain themselves. If this
tax be such a weight upon the poor as to dis-
courage marriage and hinder propagation, which
seems the truth, no doubt it ought to be abolished ;
and at a convenient time we ought to change it for
some other duty, if there were only this single
reason, that it is so directly opposite to the iwlity.
of all ages and all countries. ^
In order to have hands to carry on labour and
manufactures, which must make us gainers in the
balance of trade, we ought not to deter, but rather
invite men to marry, wliich is to be done by
privileges and exemptions for such a number of
children, and by denying certain offices of trust
and dignities to all unmarried persons ; and where
it is once made a fashion among those of the
better sort, it will quickly obtain with the lower
degree.
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 159
Mr. King, in his scheme (for which he has as
authentic grounds as perhaps the matter is capable
of) lays down that the annual marriages of Eng-
land are about 41,000, which is one marriage out
of every 134 persons. Upon which, we observe,
that this is not a due proportion, considering how
few of our adult males (in comparison with other
countries) perish by war or any other accident ;
from whence may be inferred that our polity is
some way or other defective, or the marriages would
bear a nearer proportion with the gross number of
our people ; for which defect, if a remedy can be
found, there will be so much more strength added
to the kingdom.
From the books of assessment on births, mar-
riages, &c., by the nearest view he can make, he
divides the 5,500,000 people into 2,700,000 males
and 2,800,000 females ; from whence (considering
the females exceed the males in number, and con-
sidering that the men marry later than women,
and that many of the males are of necessity absent
in the wars, at sea, and upon other business) it
follows that a large proportion of the females re-
main unmarried, though at an adult age, which is
a dead loss to the nation, every birth being as so
much certain treasure, upon which account such
160 OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
laws must be for the public good, as induce all
men to marry whose circumstances permit it.
From his division of the people it may be like-
wise observed, that the near proportion there is
between the males and females (which is said to
hold also in other places) is an argument (and the
strongest that can be produced) against polygamy,
and the increase of mankind which some think
might be from thence expected ; for if Nature had
intended to one man a plurality of wives, she
would have ordered a great many more female
births than male, her designments being always
right and wise.
The securing the parish for bastard children is
become so small a punishment and so easily com-^—
pounded, that it very much hinders marriage. Tli4^|
Dutch compel men of all ranks to maiTy the woman
whom they have got with child, and perhaps it
would tend to the further peopling of England if
the common people here, under such a certain
degree, were condemned by some new law to suffer
the same penalty.
A country that makes provision to increase in
inhabitants, whose situation is good, and whose
people have a genius adapted to trade, will never
fail to be gainers in the balance, provided the
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 161
labour and industry of their people be well
managed and carefully directed.
The more any man contemplates these matters
the more he will come to be of opinion, that England
is capable of being rendered one of the strongest
nations, and the richest spot of ground in Europe.
It is not extent of territory that makes a country
powerful, but numbers of men well employed, con-
venient ports, a good navy, and a soil producing
all sort of commodities. The materials for all
this we have, and so improvable, that if we did but
second the gifts of Nature with our own industry
we should soon arrive to a pitch of greatness that
would put us at least upon an equal footing with any
of our neighbours.
If we had the complement of men "our land can
maintain and nourish ; if we had as much trade as
our stock and knowledge in sea affairs is capable
of embracing ; if we had such a naval strength as
a trade so extended would easily produce ; and, if
we had those stores and that wealth which is the
certain result of a large and well-governed traffic,
what human strength could hurt or invade us ] On
the contrary, should we not be in a posture not
only to resist but to give the law to others 1
Our neighbouring commonwealth has not in
r~142
162 OP THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
territory above 8,000,000 acres, and perhaps not
much above 2,200,000 people, and yet what a
figure have they made in Europe for these last
100 years'? What wars have they maintained"?
What forces have they resisted? and to what a
height of power are they now come, and all by
good order and wise government ?
They are liable to frequent invasions ; they
labour under the inconvenience and danger of
bad ports; they consume immense sums every
year to defend their land against the sea ; all
which difficulties they have subdued by an un-
wearied industry.
We are fenced by nature against foreign enemies,
our ports are safe, we fear no irruptions of the sea,
our land territory at home is at least 39,000,000
acres. We have in all likelihood not less than
5,500,000 people. What a nation might we then
become, if all these advantages were thoroughly im-
proved, and if a right application were made of all
this strength and of these numbers 1
They who apprehend the immoderate growth of
any prince or State may, perhaps, succeed by
beginning first, and by attempting to pull down
such a dangerous neighbour, but very often their
good designs are disappointed. In all appeai-ance
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 163
they proceed more safely, who, under such a fear,
make themselves strong and powerful at home.
And this was the course which Philip, King of
Macedon, the father of Perseus, took, when he
thought to be invaded by the Romans.
The greatness of Rome gave Carthage very
anxious thoughts, and it rather seems that they
entered into the second Punic War more for fear
the Romans should have the universal empire,
than out of any ambition to lord it themselves
over the whole world. Their design was virtuous,
and peradventure wise to endeavour at some early
interruption to a rival that grew so fast. How-
ever, we see they miscarried, though their armies
were le^ by Hannibal. But fortune which had
determined the dominion of the earth for Rome,
did, perhaps, lead them into the fatal counsel of
passing the Eber contrary to the articles of peace
concluded with Asdrubal, and of attacking Sagun-
tum before they had sufficiently recovered of the
wounds they had suffered in the wars about Sicily,
Sardinia, and with their own rebels. If the high
courage of Hannibal had not driven the common-
wealth into a new war while it was yet faint and
weak, and if they had been suffered to pursue their
victories in Spain, and to get firm footing in that
M
164 OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND
rich, warlike, and then populous countiy, very
probably in a few years they might have been a
more equal match for the Roman people. It is
true, if the Romans had endeavoured, at the con-
quest of Spain, and if they had disturbed the
Carthaginians in that country, the war must
have been unavoidable, because it was evident
in that age, and will be appai'ent in the times
we live in, that whatever foreign power, already
grown gi'eat, can add to its dominion the possession
of Spain, will stand fair for universal empire.
But unless some such cogent reason of state,
is here instanced, intervene, in all appearance the
best way for a nation that apprehends the growing
power of any neighbour is to fortify itself within ;^^
we do not mean by land armies, which rather dfl^HI
bilitate than strengthen a country, but by potent
navies, by thrift in the public treasure, care of the
people's trade, and all the other honest and useful
arts of peace.
By such an improvement of our native strength,
agreeable to tlie laws and to the temper of a free
nation, England without doubt may be brought to
80 good a posture and condition of defending itself,
as not to apprehend any neighbour jealous of its
s^trength or envious of its greatness.
OF THE PEOPLE 0¥ ENGLAND. 165
And to this end we open these schemes, that a
wise Government under which we live, not having
any designs to become arbitrary, may see what
materials they have to work upon, and how far
our native wealth is able to second their good in-
tentions of preserving us a rich and a free people.
Having said something of the number of '<$lir
inhabitants, we shall proceed to discourse of theii*
different degrees and ranks, and to examine who
are a burden and who are a profit to the public,
for by how much every part and member of tlie
commonwealth can be made useful to the whole,
by so much a nation will be more and more a
gainer in this balance of trade which we are to
treat of.
Mr. King, from the assessments on births and
marriages, and from the polls, has formed the
scheme here inserted, of the ranks, degrees, titles
and qualifications of the people. He has done it so
judiciously, and upon such grounds, that is well
worth the careful perusal of any curious person,
from thence we shall make some observations in
order to put our present matter in a clearer
light.
First, this scheme detects their error, who in the
calculation they frame contemplate nothing but
166 or THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
the wealth and plenty they see in rich cities and
great towns, and from thence make a judgment of
the kingdom's remaining part, and from this view
conclude that taxes and payments to the public do
mostly arise from the gentry and better sort, by
which measures they neither contrive their imposi-
tion aright, nor are they able to give a true estimate
what it shall produce ; but when we have divided
the inhabitants of England into their proper
classes, it will appear that the nobility and gentry
are but a small pai-t of the whole body of the^^—
people. 1^1
Believing that taxes fell chiefly upon the better
sort, they care not what they lay, as thinking they
will not be felt ; but when they come to be levied,
they either fall short, and so run the public u^t^Hl
an immense debt, or they light so heavily upon the
poorer sort, as to occasion insufferable clamours ;
and they, whose proper business it was to contrive
these matters better have been so unskilful, that
the legislative power has been more than once com-
pelled for the peoples' ease to give new funds, in-
stead of others that had been ill projected.
This may be generally said, that all duties what-
8oe^ er upon the consumption of a large produce, fall
with the greatest weight upon the common sort,
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 167
SO that such as think in new duties that they
chiefly tax the rich will find themselves quite mis-
taken ; for either their fund must yield little, or
it must arise from the whole body of the people, of
which the richer soi-t are but a small proportion.
And though war, and national debts and engage-
ments, might heretofore very rationally plead for
excises upon our home consumption, yet now
there is a peace, it is the concern of every man
that loves his country to proceed warily in laying
new ones, and to get off those which are already
laid as fast as ever he can. High customs and
high excises both together are incompatible, either
of them alone are to be endured, but to have them
co-exist is suffered in no well-governed nation. If
materials of foreign growth were at an easy rate, a
high price might be the better borne in things of
our own product, but to have both dear at once
(and by reason of the duties laid upon them) is
ruinous to the inferior rank of men, and this
ought to weigh more with us, when we consider
that even of the common people a subdivision is
to be made, of which one part subsist from their
own havings, arts, labour, and industry ; and the
other part subsist a little from their own labour,
but chiefly from the help and chanty of the rank
168 OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
that is above them. For accordincf to Mr. King's
scheme —
The nobility and gentry, with )
their families and retainers, \
the persons in offices, mer- '
chants, persons in the law, I
the clergy, freeholders, far- |
mers, persons in sciences lofiTccoAi. j
and liberal arts, shopkeepers f 2>676,520 heads.
and tradesmen, handicrafts, I
men, naval officers, with the |
families and dependants
ux)on all these altogether,
make up the number of — J
The common seamen, common ^
soldiers, labouring people, j
and out-servants, cottagers, L 2,825,000 heads.
paupers, and their families, f ' '
with the vagrants, make up |
the number of — )
>,
4
InaU 6,500,520 heads.
So that here seems a majority of the people,
whose chief dependence and subsistence is from the
other part, which majority is much gi'eater, in
respect of the number of families, because 500,000
families contribute to the support of 850,000
families. In contemplation of which, great care
should be taken not to lay new duties upon the
home consumption, unless upon the extremest
necessities of the State ; for though such impositions
cannot be said to fall directly upon the lower rank,
whose poverty hinders them from consuming such
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 169
materials (though there are few excises to which
the meanest person does not pay something), yet
indii'ectly, and by unavoidable consequences, they
are rather more affected by high . duties upon our
home-consumption than the wealthier degree of
people, and so we shall find the case to be, if we
look carefully into all the distinct ranks of men
there enumerated.
First, as to the nobility and gentry, they must
of necessity retrench their families and expenses, if
excessive impositions are laid upon all sorts of
materials for consumption, from whence follows,
that the degree below them of merchants, shop-
keepers, tradesmen, and artisans, must want em-
ployment.
Secondly, as to the manufactures, high excises
in time of peace are utterly destructive to that
principal part of England's wealth ; for if malt,
coals, salt, leather, and other things, bear a great
price, the wages of servants, workmen, and artificers,
will consequently rise, for the income must bear
some proportion with the expense ; and if such as
set the poor to work find wages for labour or
manufacture advance upon them, they must rise
in the price of their commodity, or they cannot
live, all which would signify little, if nothing but
170 OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
our own dealings among one another were thereby
atiected ; but it has a consequence far more per-
nicious in relation to our foreign ti'ade, for it is
the exportation of our own product that must
make England rich ; to be gainers in the balance
of trade, we must carry out of our own product
what will purchase the things of foreign growth
that are needful for our own consumption, with
some overplus either in bullion or goods to be sold
in other countries, which overplus is the profit a
nation makes by trade, and it is more or less
according to the natural frugality of the people that
export, or as from the low price of labour and
manufacture they can afford the commodity cheap,
and at a rate not to be undersold in foreign^—,
markets. The Dutch, whose labour and manufac-^B
tures are dear by reason of home excises, can not-
withstanding sell cheap abroad, because this disad-
vantage they labour under is balanced by the
parsimonious temper of their people ; but in
England, where this frugality is hardly to be in-
troduced, if the duties upon our home consumption
ai-e so large as to raise considerably the price of
labour and manufacture, all our commodities
for exportation must by degrees so advance in the
prime value, that they cannot be sold at a rate
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 171
which will give them vent in foreign markets,
and we must be everywhere undersold by our wiser
neighbours. But the consequence of such duties
in times of peace will fall most heavily upon our
woollen manufactures, of which most have more
value from the workmanship than the material ;
and if the price of this workmanship be enhanced,
it will in a short course of time put a necessity
upon those we deal with of setting u]d manufactures
of their own, such as they can, or of buying goods
of the like kind and use from nations that can
aiford them cheaper. And in this point we are
to consider, that the bulk of our woollen exports
does not consist in draperies made of the fine wool,
peculiar to our soil, but is composed of coarse
broadcloths, such as Yorkshire cloths, kerseys,
which make a great part of our exports, and may
be, and are made of a coarser wool, which is to be
had in other countries. So that we are not singly
to value ourselves upon the material, but also upon
the manufacture, which we should make as easy as
we can, by not laying over-heavy burdens upon the
manufacturer. And our woollen goods being two-
thirds of our foreign exports, it ought to be tlie
chief object of the public care, if we expect to be
172 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
gainers in the balance of trade, which is what we
hunt after in these inquiries.
Thirdly, as to the lower rank of all, whicli we
compute at 2,825,000 heads, a majority of the
whole people, their principal subsistence is upon
the degi'ees above them, and if those are rendered
uneasy these must share in the calamity, but even
of this inferior sort no small proportion contribute
largely to excises, as labourers and out-servau'iS,
which likewise aflfect the common seamen, who must
thereupon raise their wages or they will not hav^
wherewithal to keep their families left at home,
and the high wages of seamen is another burden
upon our foreign traflSc. As to the cottagers, who)
are about a fifth part of the whole people, some
duties reach even them, as those upon malt, leather,
and salt, but not much because of their slender con-
sumption, but if the gentry, upon whose woods
and gleanings they live, and who employ them in
day labour, and if the manufacturers, for whom
they card and spin, are overburdened with duties,
they cannot afford to give them so much for their
labour and handiwork, nor to yield them those
other reliefs which are their principal subsistence,
for want of which these misei-able wretches must
perish with cold and hunger,
OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND. 173
Thus we see excises either directly or indirectly
fall upon the whole body of the people, but we do
not take notice of these matters as receding from
our former opinion. On the contraiy, we still
think them the most easy and equal way of taxing
a nation, and perhaps it is demonstrable that if
we had fallen into this method at the beoHLnning of
the war of raising the year's expense within the
year by excises, England had not been now in-
debted so many millions, but what was advisable
under such a necessity and danger is not to be pur-
sued in times of peace, especially in a country
depending so much upon trade and manufactures.
Our study now ought to be how those debts may
be speedily cleared off, for which these new
revenues are the funds, that trade may again move
freely as it did heretofore, without such a heavy
clog ; but this point we shall more amply handle
when we come to speak of our payments to the
public.
Mr. King divides the whole body of the people
into two principal classes, viz. : —
Increasing the wealth of the kingdom... 2,675, .520 heads.
Decreasing the wealth of the kingdom ... 2,825,000 heads.
By which he means that the fii-st class of the
174 OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
people from land, arts, and industry maintain
themselves, and add every year something to the
nation's general stock, and besides this, out of
their superfluity, contribute every year so much to
the maintenance of others.
That of the second class some partly maintain
themselves by labour (as the heads of the cottage
families), but that the rest, as most of the wives
and children of these, sick and impotent people,
idle beggars and vagrants, are nourished at the
cost of others, and are a yearly burden to the
public, consuming annually so much as would be
otherwise added to the nation's general stock.
The bodies of men are, without doubt, the most
valuable treasure of a country, and in their sphere
the ordinary people are as serviceable to the
commonwealth as the rich if they are employed
in honest labour and useful arts, and such being
more in number do more contribute to increase the
nation's wealth than the higher rank.
But a country may be populous and yet poor
(as were the ancient Gauls and Scythians), so that
numbers, unless they are well employed, make the
body politic big but unwieldy, strong but unactive,
as to any uses of good government.
Theirs is a wrong opinion who think all mouths
I
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 175
profit a country that consume its produce, and it
may be more truly affirmed, that he who does not
some way serve the commonwealth, either by
being employed or by employing others, is not only
a useless, but a hurtful member to it.
As it is charity, and what we indeed owe to
human kind, to make provision for the aged, the
lame, the sick, blind, and impotent, so it is a
justice we owe to the commonwealth not to suffer
such as have health, and who might maintain
themselves, to be drones and live upon the labour
of others.
The bulk of such as are a burden to the public
consists in the cottagers and paupers, beggars in
great cities and towns, and vagrants.
Upon a survey of the hearth books, made in
Michaelmas, 1685, it was found that of the
1,300,000 houses in the whole kingdom, those of
one chimney amounted to 554,631, but some of
these having land about them, in all our calcula-
tions, we have computed the cottagers but at
500,000 families ; but of these, a large number
may get their own livelihood, and are no charge
to the parish, for which reason Mr. King very
judiciously computes his cottagers and paupers,
decreasing the wealth of the nation but at 400,000
176 OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
families, in which account he includes the poor-
houses in cities, towns, and villages, besides which
he reckons 30,000 vagrants, and all these together
to make up 1,330,000 heads.
This is a very gi-eat proportion of the people to
be a burden upon the other part, and is a weight
upon the land interest, of which the landed gentle-
men must certainly be very sensible.
If this vast body of men, instead of being ex-
pensive, could be rendered beneficial to the com-
monwealth, it were a work, no doubt, highly to
be promoted by all who love their country.
It seems evident, to such as have considered these
matters, and who have observed how they are
ordered in nations under a good polity, that the
number of such who through age or impotence
stand in real need of relief, is but small and might
be maintained for very little, and that the poor
rates are swelled to the extravagant degree we
now see them at by two sorts of people, one of
which, by reason of our slack administration, is
suffered to remain in sloth, and the other, through
a defect in our constitution, continue in wretched
poverty for want of employment, though willing
enough to undei'take it.
All this seems capable of a remedy, the laws
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 177
may be armed against voluntary idleness, so as to
prevent it, and a way may probably be found out
to set those to work who are desirous to support
themselves by their own labour ; and if this could be
brought about, it would not only put a stop to the
course of that vice which is the consequence of an
idle life, but it would greatly tend to enrich the
commonwealth, for if the industry of not half the
people maintain in some degree the other pai-t, and,
besides, in times of peace did add every year near
two million and a half to the general stock of
England, to what pitch of wealth and gi-eatness
might we not be brought, if one limb were not
suffered to draw away the nourishment of the
other, and if all the members of the body politic
were rendered useful to it 1
Nature, in her contrivances, has made eveiy
part of a living creature either for ornament or
use ; the same should be in a politic institution
rightly governed.
It may be laid down for an undeniable truth,
that where all work nobody will want, and to
promote this would be a greater charity and more
meritorious than to build hospitals, which very
often are but so many monuments of ill-gotten
riches attended with late repentance.
378 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
To make as many as possible of these 1,330,000
persons (whereof not above 330,000 are children
too young to work) who now live chiefly upon
others get themselves a large share of their main-
tenance would be the opening a new vein of
treasure of some millions sterling per annum ; it
would be a present ease to every particular man of
substance, and a lasting benefit to the whole body
of the kingdom, for it would not only nourish but
increase the numbers of the people, of which
many thousands perish every year by those diseases
contracted under a slothful poverty.
Our laws relating to the poor are very numerous,
and this matter has employed the care of every age
for a long time, though but with little success,
partly through the ill execution, and pai-tly through
some defect in the very laws.
The corruptions of mankind are grown so great
that, now-a-days, laws are not much observed
wliich do not in a manner execute themselves ; of
this nature are those laws which relate to bringing
in the Prince's revenue, which never fail to be put
in execution, because the people must pay, and the
Prince will be paid ; but where only one part of
the constitution, the people, are immediately con-
cerned, as in laws relating to the poor, the high-
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 179
ways, assizes, and other civil economy, and good
order in the state, those are but slenderly regarded.
The public good being therefore, very often, not
a motive strong enough to engage the magistrate to
perform his duty, lawgivers have many times
fortified their laws with penalties, wherein private
persons may have a profit, thereby to stir up the
people to put the laws in execution.
In countries depraved nothing proceeds well
wherein particular men do not one way or other
find their account ; and rather than a public good
should not go on at all, without doubt, it is better
to give private men some interest to set it forward.
For which reason it may be worth the considera-
tion of such as study the prosperity and welfare of
England, whether this gi-eat engine of maintaining
the poor, and finding them work and employment,
may not be put in motion by giving some body of
undertakers a reasonable gain to put the machine
upon its wheels.
In order to which, we shall here insert a pro-
posal delivered to the House of Commons last
session of Parliament, for the better maintaining
the impotent, and employing and setting to work
the other poor of this kingdom.
In matters of this nature, it is always good to
180 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
have some model or p!an laid down, which thinking
men may contemplate, alter, and coiTect, as they
see occasion ; and the writer of these papers does
rather choose to offer this scheme, because he is
satisfied it was composed by a gentleman of great
abilities, and who has made both the poor rates,
and their number, more his study than any other
person in the nation. The proposal is as follows : —
A Scheme for Setting the Poor to Work.
First, that such persons as shall subscribe and
pay the sum of £300,000 as a stock for and towards
the better maintaining the impotent poor, and for
buying commodities and mateiials to employ and
set at work the other poor, be incorporated and
made one body politic, tkc. By the name of the
Governor and Company for Maintaining and Em-
ploying the Poor of this Kingdom.
By all former propositions, it was intended that
the parishes should advance several years' rates to
raise a stock, but by this proposal the experiment
is to be made by private persons at their risk ; and
£300,000 may be judged a very good stock, which,
added to the poor rates for a certain number of
years, will be a very good fund for buying com-
modities and materials for a million of money at
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 181
any time. This subscription ought to be free for
everybody, and if the sum were subscribed in the
several counties of England and Wales, in propor-
tion to their poor rates, or the monthly assessment,
it would be most convenient ; and provision may
be made that no person shall transfer his interest
but to one of the same county, which will keep the
interest there during the term ; and as to its being
one Corporation, it is presumed this will be most
beneficial to the public. For first, all disputes on
removes, which are very chargeable and burthen-
some, will be at an end — this proposal intending,
that wherever the poor are, they shall be maintained
or employed. Secondly, it will prevent one county
which shall be diligent, imposing on their neigh-
bours who may be negligent, or getting away their
manufactures from them. Thirdly, in case of tire,
plague, or loss of manufacture, the stock of one
county may not be sufficient to support the places
where such calamities may happen ; and it is
necessary the whole body should support every
particular member, so that hereby there will be a
general care to administer to every place according
to their necessities.
Secondly, that the said Corporation be established
for the term of one-and-twenty years.
182 OF THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
The Corporation ought to be established for one-
and-twenty years, or otherwise it cannot have the
benefit the law gives in case of infants, which is
their service for their education ; besides, it will be
some years before a matter of this nature can be
brought into practice.
Thirdly, that the said sum of £300,000 be paid
in, and laid out for the purposes aforesaid, to remain
as a stock for and during the said term of one-and-
twenty years.
The subscription ought to be taken at the passing
of the Act, but the Corporation to be left at liberty
to begin either the Michaelmas or the Lady Day
after, as they shall think fit. And per cent,
to be paid at the subscribing to persons appointed
for that purpose, and the remainder before they
begin to act ; but so as £300,000 shall be always
in stock during the term, notwithstanding any
di\idends or other disposition : and an account
thereof to be exhibited twice in every year upon
oath, before the Lord Chancellor for the time
being.
Fourthly, that the said corporation do by them
selves, or agents in every parish of England, from
and after the day of during the
said term of one-and-twenty years, provide for the
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 183
real impotent poor good and sufficient maintenance
and reception, as good or better tlian hath at any
time within the space of years before the
said day of been provided or allowed
to such impotent poor, and so shall continue to
provide for such impotent poor, and what other
growing impotent poor shall happen in the said
parish during the said term.
By impotent poor is to be understood all infants
and old and decrepid persons not able to work ;
also persons who by sickness or any accident are
for the time unable to labour for themselves or
families ; and all persons (not being fit for labour)
who were usually relieved by the money raised for
the use of the poor ; they shall have maintenance,
&c., as good or better, as within years they
used to have.
This does not directly determine what that shall
be, nor is it possible, by reason a shilling in one
county is as much as two in another ; but it will be
the interest of the Corporation that such poor be
well provided for, by reason the contrary will
occasion all the complaints or clamour that probably
can be made against the Corporation.
Fifthly, that the Corporation do provide- (as well
for all such poor which on the said day of
184 OP THE PEOPLE OP ENGLAND.
shall be on the poor books, as for what
other growing poor shall happen in the said tenn
who are or shall be able to labour or do any work)
sufficient labour and work proper for such persons
to be employed in. And that provision shall be
made for such labouring persons according to their
labour, so as such provision doth not exceed three-
fourth parts as much as any other pei-son would
have paid for such labour. And in case they are not
employed and set to work, then such persons shall,
until mateiials or labour be provided for them, be
maintained as impotent poor ; but so as such
persons who shall hereafter enter themselves on
the poor's book, being able to labour, shall not quit
the service of the corporation, without leave, for
the space of six months.
The Corporation are to provide materials and
labour for all that can work, and to make provision
for them not exceeding three-fourth parts as much
as any other person would give for such labour.
For example, if another person would give one of
these a shilling, the Corporation ought to give but
ninepence. And the reason is plain, first, because
the Corporation will be obliged to maintain them
and their families in all exigences, which others are
not obliged to do, and consequently they ought not
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 185
to allow SO much as others. Secondly, in case any
pei'sons able to labour, shall come to the Corpora-
tion, when their agents are not prepared with
materials to employ them, by this proposal they
are to allow them full provision as impotent poor,
until they find them work, which is entirely in
favour of the poor. Thirdly, it is neither reason-
able nor possible for the Corporation to provide
materials upon every occasion, for such persons as
shall be entered with them, unless they can be
secure of such persons to work up those materials ;
besides, without this provision, all the labouring
people of England will play fast and loose between
their employers and the Corporation, for as they are
disobliged by one, they will run to the other, and
so neither shall be sure of them.
Sixthly, that no impotent poor shall be removed
out of the parish where they dwell, but upon notice
in writing given to the churchwardens or overseers
of the said parish, to what place of provision he or
she is removed.
It is judged the best method to provide for the
impotent poor in houses prepared for that purpose,
where proper provision may be made for several,
with all necessaries of care and maintenance. So
that in some places one house will serve the
186 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
impotent poor of several parishes, in which case the
parish ought to know where to resort, to see if good
provision be made for them.
Seventhly, that in case provision be not made for
the poor of each parish, in manner as aforesaid
(upon due notice given to the agents of the Corpor-
ation) the said parish may order their poor to be
maintained, and deduct the sum by them expended
out of the next payments to be made to the said
corporation by the said parish.
In case any accident happens in a parish, either
by sickness, fall, casualty of fire, or other ways ;
and that the agent of the Corporation is not present
to provide for them, or having notice doth not im-
mediately do it, the parish may do it, and deduct
so much out of the next payment ; but there must
be provision made for the notice, and in what time
the Corporation shall provide for them.
Eighthly, that the said Corporation shall have and
receive for the said one-and-twenty years, that is
to sayj from every parish yearly, so much as such
parish paid in any one year, to be computed by a
medium of seven years ; namely, from the 25th of
March, 1690, to the 25th of March 1697, and to
be paid half-yearly ; and besides, shall receive the
benefit of the revenues of all donations given to
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 187
any parish, or which shall be given during the said
term, and all forfeitures which the law gives to the
use of the poor ; and to all other sums which were
usually collected by the parish, for the maintenance
of the poor.
Whatever was raised for or applied to the use of
the poor, ought to be paid over to the Corporation ;
and where there are any donations for maintaining
the poor, it will answer the design of the donor, by
reason there will be better provision for the main-
tenance of the poor than ever ; and if that main-
tenance be so good, as to induce further charities,
no doubt the Corporation ought to be entitled to
them. But there are two objections to this article ;
first that to make a medium by a time of war is
unreasonable. Secondly, to continue the whole tax
for one-and-twenty years, does not seem to give
any benefit to the kingdom in that time. To the
first, it is true, we have a peace, but trade is lower
now than at any time during the war, and the
charge of the poor greater ; and when trade will
mend is very uncertain. To the second, it is very
plain, that although the charge may be the same to
a parish in the total, yet it will be less to particular
persons, because those who before received alms,
will now be enabled to be contributors ; but besides,
188 OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
the turning so many hundred thousand pounds a
year (which in a manner have hitherto been applied
only to support idleness) into industry ; and the
employing so many other idle vagrants and sturdy
beggars, with the product of their labour, will al-
together be a present benefit to the lands of
England, as well in the rents as in the value ; and
further the accidental charities in the streets and
at doors, is, by a very modest computation, over
and above the poor rates, [at least £300,000 per
annum, which will be entirely saved by this pro-
posal, and the persons set at work ; which is a
further consideration for its being well received,
since the Corporation are not allowed anything for
this service.
The greater the encouragement is, the better the
work will be performed ; and it will become the
wisdom of the parliament in what they do, to make
it ejBTectual ; for should such an undertaking as this
prove ineffectual, instead of remedying, it will in-
crease the mischief.
Ninthly, that all the laws made for the provision
of the poor, and for punishing idle vagrant persons,
be repealed, and one law made to continue such
parts as are found useful, and to add such other
OP THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 189
restrictions, penalties, and provisions, as may effectu-
ally attain the end of this great work.
The laws hereunto relating are numerous, but
the judgment and opinions given upon them are
so various and contradictory, and differ so in
sundiy places, as to be inconsistent with any one
general scheme of management.
Tenthly, that proper persons be appointed in
every county to determine all matters and differ-
ences which may arise between the corporation
and the respective parishes.
To prevent any ill usage, neglect or cruelty, it
will be necessary to make provision that the poor
may tender their complaints to officers of the
parish; and that those officers having examined
the same, and not finding redress, may apply to
persons to be appointed in each county and each
city for that purpose, who may be called super-
visors of the poor, and may have allowance made
them for their trouble ; and their business may be
to examine the truth of such complaints ; and in
case either the parish or corporation judge them-
selves aggrieved by the determination of the said
supervisors, provision may be made that an appeal
lie to the quarter sessions.
Eleventhly, that the corporation be obliged to
190 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
provide for all public beggars, and to put the laws
into execution against public beggars and idle
vagrant persons.
Sucli of the public beggars as can work must be
employed, the rest to be maintained as impotent
poor, but the laws to be severely put in execution
against those who shall ask any public alms.
This proposal, which in most parts of it seems to
be very maturely weighed, may be a foundation for
those to build upon who have a public spirit large
enough to embrace such a noble undertaking.
But the common obstruction to anything of this
nature is a malignant temper in some who will not
let a public work go on if private pei-sons are to
be gainers by it. When they are to get them-
selves, they abandon all sense of virtue ; but are
clothed in her whitest robe when they smell
profit coming to another, masking themselves with
a false zeal to the commonwealth, where their own
tui-n is not to be served. It were better, indeed,
that men would serve their country for the praise
and honour that follow good actions, but this is
not to be expected in a nation at least leaning
towards corruption, and in such an age it is as
much as we can hope for if the prospect of some
honest gain invites people to do the public faithful
OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 191
service. For which reason, in any undertaking
where it can be made apparent that a great benefit
will accrue to the commonwealth in general, we
ought not to have an evil eye upon what fair
advantages particular men may thereby expect to
reap, still taking care to keep their appetite of
getting within moderate bounds, laying all just
and reasonable restraints upon it, and making due
provision that they may not wrong or oppress
their fellow subjects.
It is not to be denied, but that if fewer hands
were suffered to remain idle, and if the poor had
full employment, it would greatly tend to the
common welfare, and contribute much towards
adding every year to the general stock of England.
Among the methods that we have here proposed
of employing the poor, and making the w^hole body
of the people useful to the public, we think it
our duty to mind those who consider the common
welfare of looking with a compassionate eye into
the prisons of this kingdom, where many thousands
consume their time in vice and idleness, wasting
the remainder of their fortunes, or lavishing the
substance of their creditors, eating bread and doing
no work, which is contrary to good order, and per-
nicious to the commonwealth.
192 OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
We cannot therefore but recommend the
thoughts of some good bill that may effectually
put an end to this mischief so scandalous in a
trading country, which should let no hands remain
useless.
It is not at all difficult to contrive such a bill as
may relieve and release the debtor, and yet pre-
serve to his creditors all their fair, just, and honest
rights and interest.
And so we have in this matter endeavoured to
show that to preserve and increase the people, and
to make their numbers usefid, are methods con-
ducing to make us gainers in the balance of trade.
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